Where Griboedov was killed. Destiny A
NEW MATERIALS ABOUT THE MURDER OF A. S. GRIBOEDOV
The archive of the former commander of the Shah's Cossack brigade in Iran, Kosogovsky, contains extremely interesting material that sheds light on the events of January 30, 1829 . t as a result of which A. S. Griboyedov was killed in Tehran. The material, dated July 30, 1897, is entitled: “Information about the murder in Tehran of the Russian imperial envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at the Persian court Griboyedov, delivered by sartip (general - G.P.) Prince Suleiman Khan Melikov, whose uncle Prince Suleiman Khan Melikov was killed on the same day ... along with the late Griboedov and other members of the Russian mission.” This information was recorded by Martiros Khan, the chief of staff of the Shah's Cossack brigade. We have not found any reference to these indications in the available literature. 1 .
All literature on this issue, as is known, was written mainly on the basis of official data and information b. First Secretary of the Embassy Maltsev 2 , the only person from the entire embassy who managed to escape. The literature distorts both the role of A. S. Griboyedov himself as an envoy, and the role of Fath Ali Shah, with whose knowledge and approval the murder of A. S. Griboedov and almost the entire staff of the embassy was committed. A purely political and unheard of terrorist act in the history of international relations, through the efforts and efforts of Iranian nobles and dignitaries of the tsarist government, was presented in such a way that A. S. Griboyedov himself was to blame for everything.
Under other circumstances, the government of Nicholas I, in response to the murder of the ambassador and almost the entire staff of the embassy, would have declared war on Iran. But at that time Russia was at war with Turkey (1828-1829), and the tsarist government did not want to start a new war. Paskevich, the commander-in-chief of the Russian troops in the Caucasus, wrote on this issue to Nesselrode, the state chancellor: “For this it would be necessary to declare an irreconcilable war on him [the Shah], but in the current war with the Turks there is no possibility of undertaking this with the hope of success.
... Troops ... are not enough even to wage a defensive war with both powers ... Having started an offensive war with Persia, you need to take with you huge reserves of provisions, artillery charges, etc. to the very heart of Persia, but this region has been in a state of war since 1826, and therefore all methods of supplying troops and especially transportation have been completely exhausted to the point that even in the current war with the Turks, with great effort, I can barely lift all the burdens I need for offensive movements" 3 .
In addition, there were serious fears that in connection with a new war, uprisings against tsarism could break out in the Caucasus 4 .
Having received such a report, St. Petersburg decided to find a different formula for resolving the conflict. This was helped by the same Paskevich, who may have put pressure on Maltsov 5 and presented the matter in such a light that the guilt of the Iranian government could be smoothed out through diplomatic negotiations. The basis for this plan was the position of Maltsov, who, in a conversation with the Shah’s dignitaries and the Shah himself, out of caution and fear of “saying goodbye to his life, pretended to be convinced by their speeches.” 6 . In other words, Maltsov, in the presence of the Shah, agreed with the accusations that were brought against A.S. Griboedov in Iranian court circles. The author of one of the works about Griboedov, Malshinsky, noted: “There is nothing incredible in the fact that a “cold stream of prudent caution” carried Maltsov in the presence of the Shah to the point of accusing Griboyedov of excessive zeal.” 7 .
So, Maltsov, guided by personal interests and driven by the instinct of self-preservation, was grist for the mill of the Iranian ruling circles. This, of course, was used by court dignitaries and Iranian historians to compose the official and completely incorrect version of the murder of A. S. Griboyedov and almost the entire staff of the Russian embassy in Tehran.
In the palace of Nicholas I, this version of the murder of Griboyedov was welcome news: the tsar and his entourage were ready to “be convinced” of A. S. Griboyedov’s guilt and consider his tragic death in the spirit of this version. On the other hand, such testimony from Maltsov was very useful for Paskevich, who needed it. Paskevich found in them confirmation of the correctness of his position in order to convince the government of Nicholas I of the inappropriateness of declaring war on Iran and of the need to accept a solemn apology from the Iranian government.
Thus, Maltsov’s incorrect testimony was of great importance for the tsarist government, which, being concerned about preserving its prestige, took as a basis the obviously incorrect information about the murder of A. S. Griboedov and pretended that it believed that the shah’s government was not involved in this case, just to not to start a new war, which would certainly have arisen under other political conditions. As if in gratitude for the service rendered, Nesselrode, in a letter to Paskevich about Maltsov, pointing out “his prudent behavior in such difficult circumstances,” asked to leave him in his person 8 .
We will talk about Maltsev below, but now we will pay attention to the tendentious characterization that was given to A.S. Griboedov to justify the position of the tsarist government in the face of public opinion.
“Alexander Sergeevich,” wrote Malshinsky, “he himself admitted that he was not sufficiently prepared to fulfill the difficult duties assigned to him.” 9 .
Nesselrode wrote to Paskevich: “... this incident should be attributed to the reckless impulses of the zeal of the late Griboedov.” 10 .
A. Berger, chairman of the Caucasian Archaeographic Commission, reported: “Griboedov “went too far” in his demands - and this is his main mistake.” 11 .
The “accusers” of A. S. Griboyedov could not help but know that he knew perfectly well the customs and morals of the country in which he represented the interests of the Russian government. That is why he, deservedly considered the best expert on Iran, was appointed to the high post of envoy at the court of the Shah. A talented diplomat, aware of the full weight of responsibility that fell to his share, delicate and polite, who foresaw the consequences of his upcoming activities in Iran 12 , who showed due caution and forethought in his actions, he, of course, was not the way the intriguers and conspirators who were with the Shah, and with them the Iranian historians, as well as some Russian researchers described above, presented him. The latter’s story about the murder of A. S. Griboyedov turned out to be completely in the spirit of Iranian historiography 13 .
The above “prosecutors” did their best to defend the role of the Iranian government in this case. So, for example, on March 30, 1829, Paskevich wrote to Nesselrode: “the purpose of this indignation was not to commit an unheard-of atrocity against Mr. Griboedov, but it was intended to actually exterminate Mirza Yakub, who, having been a eunuch under the Shah for a very long time, knew all his secrets and all the incidents of his harem" 14 .
Nesselrode answered Paskevich: “Apparently. . . the Persian court did not harbor any hostile plans against us.” 15 .
In Nesselrode’s official letter to Paskevich dated March 26, 1829, No. 605, this idea was again emphasized: “Despite the disturbing rumors ... the Emperor is still pleased to believe that neither Fath-Ali Shah nor Abbas Mirza are involved in the villainous killing our minister in Tehran" 16 .
The same letter says this even more affirmatively: “We are not only far from revenge, but we are firmly confident in the innocence of the Persian government and are ready to accept its solemn justification.” 17 . In the same spirit, he wrote to Nesselrode Paskevich in relation to March 26, 1829, No. 606 18 .
Berger, whose research is considered the most authoritative 19 , wrote: “Fath Ali Shah not only did not participate in it [the murder], but also did not foresee such an outcome.” 20 . Even the researcher of Griboyedov’s activities in Georgia and Iran I.K. Enikolopov, who, it would seem, should have more complete and accurate data 21 , wrote that “events developed so rapidly that their tragic end obviously did not have time to be foreseen not only by Allayar Khan, but also by Griboedov himself.” 22 .
In this form, the literature presented the role of the Iranian government and its dignitaries in the events of January 30, 1829 in Tehran.
The Shah's hypocritical statements to Nicholas I were designed to ensure that the incident would be resolved peacefully. In a letter to the emperor, which was presented by the Shah’s nephew, Khesrow Mirza, the Shah hastened to convey “the truth about this sudden event and lack of awareness about it(italics mine. - G.P.) rulers of this (Iranian. - G.P.) states" 23 .
In the same letter, Fath Ali Shah notified the emperor about the measures taken against individuals: “We suspended, punished and fined even the governor and the district overseer for the fact that they learned about this event so late and showed disobedience.” 24 .
But the version that the Iranian government was not involved in the murder of A. S. Griboedov does not stand up to criticism. Fath Ali Shah himself, for decades, hatched a plan for war between Iran and Russia, creating an atmosphere of hostility and hatred towards Russia and finding in this support from England, which supplied him with money, weapons and provided assistance with its military specialists 25 .
It is known that, according to the Anglo-Iranian treaty of 1809, England pledged to pay Iran 160 thousand tomans annually during the entire war between Iran and Russia. When approving this treaty, the British government increased this amount to 200 thousand tomans. In 1811, 30 thousand guns, 20 guns, and equipment for forty weapons workshops were delivered from England to Iran. Thirty British engineers and military instructors were sent to the Iranian government 26 . After the defeat of Iran in the war with Russia in 1804-1813. The activity of British agents in Iran intensified even more. England pursued the goal of inciting revanchist sentiments in Iran, persuading the ruling Iranian circles to the need to start a new war with Russia, and arousing hatred masses to Russia and the Russians, to subordinate the foreign and domestic policies of the Iranian government to the interests of England. These goals were served by a new treaty concluded by England with Iran in 1814. Clause 4 of this treaty provided for Iran to receive assistance (in the form of military forces or an annual subsidy in the amount of 200 thousand tomans) if Iran was attacked by any European powers (meaning, of course, Russia). The meaning of the treaties of 1809 and 1814 concluded by England with Iran is completely indisputable and does not raise any doubts. It is also absolutely indisputable that Crown Prince Abbas Mirza made full use of the help of the British in order to strengthen the Iranian army, which he trained “on the European model,” hastily preparing it for a new war against Russia. Not without the participation of British agents, ideological preparations for a new war against Russia were carried out in Iran.
Fath Ali Shah, encouraged by England, back in 1808 called on the ulema to give a fatwa declaring a “holy war” against the Russians 27 . According to this call, Sheikh Jafar-Nejafi, Agha-Seyed-Ali-Isfahani, Mirza-Abul-Kasim, the ulemas of Kashan, Isfahan, Haji Mulla-Ahmed-Nerati-Ka-shani, Sheikh Jafar and other ulemas drew up and signed an appeal for the announcement “holy war” against the Russians 28 .
After the conclusion of the Treaty of Gulistan (1813), hostile activity on the part of the ruling Iranian circles against Russia did not stop. In 1821, Abul-Hasan-Mohammed-Kazim published his book 29 , in which he, referring to the Koran and the statements of commentators, outlined in detail the foundations and principles of waging a “holy war” against the Russians, trying to justify the need to declare such a war.
In 1825 - a year before the start of a new war between Iran and Russia - Fath Ali Shah, on the advice and insistence of Agha Seid Mohammed Mujtahed, who was supported by princes and other ulemas, agreed with the need to declare a “holy war” against Russia and released 300 thousand tomans from the treasury for this purpose 30 .
The chief adviser to the Shah, Asaf-ed-Douleh, having entered into a conspiracy with the most prominent representative of the Tehran clergy, Mirza Masih, provoked a crowd attack on the Russian mission in Tehran and organized the extermination of almost its entire staff, led by A. S. Griboyedov, which exposes not only hostile actions Iranian government of that time attitude towards Russia, but also the policy of England, which in the person of Asaf-ed-dowle had one of the most faithful and reliable conductors of its plans in Iran. It is worth paying attention to such an important circumstance that in 1826-1828, when there was a war between Iran and Russia, Asaf-ed-doule was prime minister. This fact alone is enough to imagine what value this man represented for British political agents in Tehran. Therefore, it was no coincidence that Asaf-ed-dowle’s aggressive position was at the meeting with the Shah, which was convened shortly after the first failures of the Iranian army to decide whether to continue the war or ask for peace. While many participants in the meeting were inclined in favor of peace, Asaf-ed-doule, expressing the opinion of his English masters and hoping for their further support, demanded the continuation of the war 31 .
Thus, there is absolutely no reason to believe that Fath Ali Shah and his government were not involved in the murder of A. S. Griboyedov.
Fath Ali Shah and his courtiers were confident that Russia could not declare war on Iran. If the Shah did not have such confidence, he would never have risked organizing the murder of the ambassador and almost the entire staff of the Russian embassy.
The testimony of Suleiman Khan Melikov completely exposes the role of the Iranian government led by Fath Ali Shah in the case of A. S. Griboyedov. On the other hand, they paint A. S. Griboyedov as a courageous man who stood at his post until the last minute of his life.
The same testimony also sheds light on the role of Maltsov, the first secretary of the embassy, who, if desired, could have saved A. S. Griboyedov if he, together with him, and not alone, had taken advantage of the shelter provided to him by one familiar khan, whose house was located next to home of the Russian embassy. By the way, the Russian consul in Tabriz, Amburger, turned out to be the same coward, who, at the first news of the murder of A. S. Griboedov, despite Paskevich’s categorical prohibition, left Tabriz for Nakhichevan, leaving the Russian colony in the care of the English consul 32 .
Malshinsky provides an interesting detail that helps to understand the essence of the matter. He points out that when asked whether A. S. Griboyedov knew about the alleged attack, Maltsov replied: “I didn’t hear a word from him; none of us knew anything: that’s why preparations for defense were not made.” 33 .
On the other hand, from the testimony of Suleiman Khan Melikov, it is clear that at dawn on January 30, 1829, A. S. Griboyedov was aware of the impending attack, since Suleiman Khan Melikov, who worked as a translator at the Russian embassy 34 , On behalf of his uncle Manuchehr Khan, who occupied a prominent position at the court of the Shah, he came personally to A.S. Griboedov and warned him of the impending danger. It would be strange to assume that the embassy translator, knowing about the danger and being on the embassy premises, did not warn other responsible embassy employees about it. And Maltsov himself saw Solomon (Suleiman Khan) Melikov on the morning of January 30, 1829 35 . However, Maltsov distorted the fact. He wrote in his report that Melikov arrived at the very height of the events, while in fact he arrived at the embassy before the crowd attacked him, at dawn on January 30. Consequently, Maltsov must have known about the impending danger. After all, he, moreover, was warned about her by his friend the khan. Here is what Berger wrote about this: “They say that this khan fell in love and became so attached to Maltsov that, warned of the danger that threatened the Russian embassy, he decided to save his friend. In these forms, he managed to persuade Maltsov, on the very day of Griboyedov’s murder, to climb over the roof and take refuge in his house. The proposal was accepted, and Maltsov avoided the fatal fate.” 36 .
The elementary duty of Maltsov, apparently aware of the impending attack on the Russian embassy before anyone else, would seem to be to take precautions and take care of his colleagues and, first of all, of course, the envoy. If he did not do this, then, apparently, because he took advantage of the Khan’s refuge before the events began. Therefore, Maltsov kept silent about whether he offered. A. S. Griboedov or anyone else from the embassy to use the services of the khan. Maltsov sat out in his friend’s house, then he was dressed in a Sarbaz (soldier’s) uniform and taken under guard to the Shah’s palace. He was not an eyewitness to all the details of the events of January 30, since he did not take any part in the defense of the embassy.
There he was given a good reception, and as a result he admitted that the culprit of the events of January 30, 1829 was A. S. Griboyedov. After this, Maltsov was sent to Tabriz, accompanied by a certain Nazar-Ali Khan of Urmia, who was instructed to convey to the Shah’s governor, Abbas Mirza, the order to notify the emperor about the non-involvement of the Iranian government in the events of January 30 37 . In Tabriz, Maltsov was also received with due attention. His departure to Tiflis was furnished with the pomp appropriate for such occasions. Along with it, a letter was sent to Paskevich, in which it was reported that the Iranian government was not involved in the murder of A. S. Griboedov 38 .
Unfortunately, V. T. Pashuto, in his very interesting and detailed work “The Diplomatic Activities of A. S. Griboedov” 39 apparently had no reason to be critical of Maltsov’s testimony, which related directly to the events of January 30, 1829. After all, Maltsov could only know about them by hearsay, mainly in the interpretation of biased Iranian political figures, whom he, wittingly or unwittingly, helped with his behavior in the Shah's palace.
The material published below with Kosogovsky’s comments, in our opinion, is the most reliable. He lifts the veil over the incident, which was shrouded in the darkness of suspense, and reveals the real inspirers, organizers and perpetrators of this murder. The dignified killers tried to hide their ends in the water. They thought to hide the facts from history by blaming A.S. Griboyedov himself and the people.
The autocratic government of Nicholas I, who had his own scores to settle with A.S. Griboedov, not only did not contribute to the disclosure of the true circumstances of this unheard-of crime, not only did not expose its real culprits, but, on the contrary, in every possible way hushed them up and allowed obvious criminals to call themselves involuntary witnesses to this crime. It consigned “the ill-fated Tehran incident to eternal oblivion,” 40 the political significance of which was nevertheless well understood in St. Petersburg.
FROM THE KOSOGOWSKI ARCHIVE
Information about the murder in Tehran of the Russian imperial envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at the Persian court Griboyedov, delivered by sartip Prince Suleiman Khan Melikov, whose uncle Prince Suleiman Khan Melikov was killed on the same day in the Russian imperial mission along with the late Griboyedov and other members Russian mission
Everything I heard from the late father of my prince. David Khan Melikov and from disinterested people who are familiar with this case and from eyewitnesses in the case of the murder of Griboedov, is as follows.
The late Griboyedov was a fearless man, very brave, honest, direct and extremely devoted to his fatherland and state. 41 . No bribes, no flattery could deviate him from the straight path and force him to use someone else's favors. He, like a hero, defended the rights and interests of Russian subjects and those under the patronage of Russia. These properties and qualities of Griboedov were not liked by the dignitaries of the Persian government. They constantly plotted against him, got together, consulted and came up with ways to survive Mr. Griboyedov from Persia. They tried in every possible way to slander or accuse him of something. But the envoy did not pay any attention to all these intrigues and intrigues. He firmly and unshakably continued to act in the interests of his state and Russian subjects. When the dignitaries of the Persian government saw that all their intrigues and intrigues were useless, they, on the one hand, secretly turned to the then Muslim clergy and, with oaths and exhortations, convinced the clergy that if they allowed Griboyedov to continue to act as he had acted until now, then In the near future, their Muslim religion will be completely desecrated and the Persian state will disappear completely. On the other hand, they incited Fath Ali Shah against Griboyedov, and together they told the Shah every day that the Russian envoy was not only implacable, strict, demanding and arrogant in matters concerning Russian subjects and Russia in general, but also in relation to to His Majesty the Shah, he does not miss a single opportunity so as not to inflict obvious insult and disrespect on the august person of His Majesty. Little by little they restored the Shah against Griboyedov. The Shah, convinced of the need to get rid of such an unbearable envoy, expressed his consent to find means to curb this indomitable man.
At this time, one Christian from the Tiflis province named Mirza Yakub, one of the captured Georgians, who was castrated (castrated) and forcibly forced to accept the Muhammadan religion, approached Griboyedov with a petition. This Mirza Yakub declared that he would not take a single step from the Russian mission until the envoy obtained him a free pass to his homeland.
Griboedov took Mirza Yakub under his protection and announced in an official note to the Persian government that Mirza Yakub, one of the captured Christians, had resorted to the Russian imperial mission in best and stated that he had been forced to accept the Muslim faith and that he wanted to return to his homeland. In the note, Griboedov reminded the Persian government that, according to the treaty, all prisoners on both sides are free and no one has the right to detain them. The Persian government did not want to satisfy Griboyedov's demand and, with various pretexts and empty, unfounded arguments, wanted to force Griboyedov to abandon this demand and insisted that Griboyedov expel Mirza Yakub from the best from the Russian mission. Griboyedov insisted on his own and demanded the freedom of Mirza Yakub at all costs. A few days later, when this issue had not yet been resolved, the late Griboyedov received another petition from a captive Georgian woman, whom Allayar Khan Qajar Asaf-ed-doule, uncle of the prince of the heir Abbas Mirza Naib-es-Saltan, i.e. Abbas Mirza's mother's brother, the most influential of all the then state dignitaries, forcibly converted to the Muslim faith and married her. She also told the late Griboedov that she was forced to convert to the Muslim faith and marry Allayar Khan. She begged Griboyedov to release her and send her home. The late Griboyedov sent this petition to Fath Ali Shah and demanded either to persuade this woman to leave him, Griboedov, alone, that is, to voluntarily take back his petition, or to release her from captivity and give her freedom so that she returned to her homeland. Allayar Khan, known for his treachery, cunning and hatred of Russia, asked to be given a reprieve for 5 days; as if in these five days he will fulfill the demand of the Russian envoy. But instead of satisfying Griboyedov’s request, he, on the one hand, turned to the then Tehran mujtahid Mirza Masih and persuaded him to raise the people to revolt against the late Griboyedov and the Russian mission, and on the other hand, having appeared to Fath Ali Shah, he reported him that the entire Tehran clergy, headed by Mujtahed Mirza Masih, decided unanimously to raise the people against Griboedov. Fath Ali Shah, who considered himself insulted by Griboedov, said that he was not against this and would like to teach this man a lesson. These words of the Shah encouraged both Allayar Khan and Mujtahed Mirza Masih, who, in order to please both the Shah and state dignitaries, decided to rouse the people against Griboyedov and the Russian mission. Mu "tamad-ed-dowle Manuchehr Khan, one of the Armenian hostages, brought to Tehran from Tiflis, laid out, forcibly converted to the Muslim faith and earned the trust of Fath Ali Shah so much that the Shah was appointed chief eunuch of his harem, learned about In advance and at night, he secretly demanded my father to come to him as his nephew, that is, the son of his own sister, and ordered him to go immediately to the Russian mission and convey to Mr. Griboyedov all the details of this conspiracy and persuade him and the members of the Russian mission tomorrow we would leave somewhere from the Russian mission, otherwise everyone would be beaten by the crowd, which tomorrow should attack the Russian mission. When my father came home and told this news, my uncle, Prince Suleiman Khan Melikov, volunteered to go to Griboyedov He took with him several people from Mu'tamad-ed-douleh Manuchehr Khan's people and at dawn he went to the Russian mission and explained all this to Griboyedov, persuading him to gather his mission officials and the Russians living in the mission to leave from the mission and invited them to his place. The late Griboyedov treated these stories with ridicule, did not believe them and said that no one would dare raise their hand against the Russian imperial mission. The people of Mu"tamad-ed-doule, who escorted my uncle to the mission, later told me to what extent Griboyedov was stubborn and persistent in his conviction that no one would dare raise his hand to the Russian mission. They said that since Prince Suleiman- The khan insisted too much, the late Griboyedov even got angry with him and called him and all Armenians cowards, declaring that he was not a coward and was not afraid of anything. After that, Prince Melikov, seeing that nothing could be done with Griboyedov, sent one of those accompanying him to the people’s mission to Mu’tamad-ed-doula to report to him about everything that happened between him and the late Griboyedov, and he himself decided not to leave Griboyedov and remained with him in the mission. Meanwhile, Mu "tamad-ed-dowle, having learned that Mujtahed Mirza Masih had already gone to the mosque in order to gather the people and lead them to the Russian mission, hastily entered the harem department of the Shah and reported to him about this. Fath-Ali Shah said that he already knows about this and has already given orders to Zill es-Sultan Ali Mirza (one of his sons) to disperse it in case of unrest among the people and if the people attack the Russian mission. Mu "tamad-ed -Dowle, who carefully followed the progress of this case, learned that Mujtahed Mirza Masih was already in the mosque and after the sermon gave the people his verdict on the death of Griboedov, went hastily to the Shah and reported to him that the people had already received a death sentence from Mirza Masih and headed towards the Russian mission, and Prince Zill-es-Sultan is now standing at Takhte-pol (a wooden drawbridge at the gate), busy with his own business and does not think of going to the Russian mission at all. He reminded the Shah that if the Shah did not take measures now to prevent this scandal, he would be greatly responsible to the Russian government. Fath Ali Shah, enraged by these words, quickly left the harem and quickly sent his farrash bashi (chief of the palace guard. - G.L.) Ali Khan with a crowd of farrashes to the Russian mission to guard it, with orders to disperse the people gathered at the Russian mission, with strict orders to catch all the instigators of this disorder. But Farrash-Bashi, either out of fear or on purpose, like Prince Zill-es-Sultan, hesitated. My unfortunate uncle, hearing the screams and noise of the angry crowd, heading to the Russian mission, advised the late Griboyedov to gather at least all the Russian officials of the mission in the same courtyard where Griboyedov himself lived, so that everyone together, with common forces, would resist the crowd that was already breaking into the ambassador’s house, until the arrival help from the Shah's government. But Griboyedov did not agree to this measure either. A crowd of people, breaking into the courtyards where the members of the Russian mission were located, killing them all, robbed all their property, returned to the courtyard where the eunuch Mirza Yakub temporarily lived, and, having killed him, also burst into the very courtyard where the late Griboyedov lived. Griboedov saw that things had reached the extreme and there was no one left with him except my uncle. He began to fight back and defend himself with shots from two guns that were in his room, and my uncle, as one of Mu’tamad-ed-doula’s people told him, loaded these guns and handed them to Griboedov. Griboedov killed up to 18 people from the crowd, who tried to break into his room. When people saw that there was no way to break into the room through the doors, they climbed onto the roof and, breaking the ceiling of the room, killed the unfortunate Griboedov through a hole made in the ceiling.
After Griboyedov was killed, my uncle left the room with the goal of going to his home. The crowd surrounded him, took his watch, took all his money and wanted to take his saber, but he did not want to give it up. Then one of the crowd, a certain carpenter, struck him on the head from behind with an ax and killed him.
They write and say that Griboyedov’s body and the bodies of those killed were thrown into the city ditch and remained unburied in the ditch for a whole 1 1/2 years, that is, until the arrival of the new Russian envoy to Tehran. It is not true. On the second day of this catastrophe, my late father, with the permission of Fath Ali Shah, sent my uncle Haji Gorgin of Julfinsky to fetch my uncle’s body. He took the body out of the mission and transferred it to the Armenian church at the Kazvin Gate and placed it in a coffin until it was sent to the Etchmiadzin Monastery. On the third day, Mu"tamad-ed-doule suggested to the Shah that he allow his nephew, my father, Prince David Khan, to remove Griboyedov’s body and send it to Russia along with the body of my uncle. He reported to the Shah that only in this way case, he can say that this accident occurred without the knowledge of the government and that as soon as the government learned of this unfortunate event, it took all measures to satisfy and did not give the bodies of the murdered to the desecration of the crowd.
But state dignitaries dissuaded the Shah and advised him to somehow hide the body of the envoy and the bodies of the mission officials, and when the Russian government demands these bodies, then say that they are not there and that the envoy and other officials were not killed, but fled, otherwise, “if we If we hand over the bodies of those killed, we can no longer deny that they were killed.” Fath Ali Shah agreed with the proposal of his dignitaries and rejected the proposal of Mu'tamad-ed-dowle, who, out of fear that he would not be suspected of friendship for Russia and treason against Persia, kept silent that day and did not object.
On the fourth day, Mu"tamad-ed-doule came to the Shah in the harem and reported that his dignitaries were mistaken and were in error. How can the murder of such a person as Griboyedov be hidden? If the Shah does not give an honest burial to these bodies, then he can double or triple your guilt and irritate the Russian emperor and the Russian people even more. Then Fath-Ali Shah found that Mu"tamad-ed-doule was right. He ordered him to appoint the same person who removed the body of his nephew, that is, my uncle, to go with a messenger from the Shah, remove the body of the envoy and the bodies of others and transfer them to the Armenian church at the Qazvin Gate. On the fourth day of this catastrophe, Khoja Gorgin Dzhulfinsky, my uncle, that is, my mother’s brother, together with messengers from the Shah, went to the Russian mission, but no matter how much they rummaged through the bodies of the dead, they did not find Griboyedov’s body and returned empty-handed. On the fifth day they went to the mission again and again could not find Griboedov’s body. At this time, one person told Haji Gorgin, under the greatest secret, that Griboedov’s body with several other bodies had been thrown into a well or pit in the same yard where the envoy himself lived, and these bodies needed to be pulled out of the well or pit, which had already been sealed up. Hadji Gorgin immediately invited the rope workers, who found the hole, opened its opening and, pulling out the body of the envoy and the bodies of others, transferred them to the Armenian church at the Kazvin Gate. There these bodies were washed, placed in coffins and left there until further orders. When a new envoy arrived to take Griboyedov’s place, then Griboyedov’s body was sent to Russia. The rest of the bodies were buried outside the city, in Tehran.
They write that Fath Ali Shah had one captive Georgian woman in his harem and the late Griboyedov demanded that Fath Ali Shah hand her over, but he made an excuse and did not want to hand her over, citing the fact that she herself did not want to return to Russia. Even as if Fath Ali Shah escorted this Georgian woman to the Russian imperial mission to the late Griboyedov, so that he himself would personally interrogate her whether she wanted to return to her homeland or wanted to stay in Persia, and as if this Georgian woman even spent one night in the mission . This is also not true. This Georgian woman was the same one that Allayar Khan had with Asaf-ed-doule, to whom he was married. It is clear that Allayar Khan Asaf-ed-doule destroyed her.
That's all I know. I guarantee that, besides this, there was nothing else, and if they tell anything other than this, it is due to the lack of accurate information.
KOSOGOWSKI'S REMARKS
made by him while reading the book by P. A. Rittich “Political and statistical sketch of Persia” (St. Petersburg, 1896, pp. 239-246)
1. It is doubtful that he knew the Persian language so thoroughly, but whether he had even been to Persia before.
2. Griboyedov, on his own initiative, did not demand prisoners, but only those who approached him with a request. Otherwise, he would have demanded Manuchehr Khan Mu"tamad-ed-doule, the chief of all the eunuchs of the Shah, a very influential and very rich man, who occupied for a long time the place of governor in Gilan, who acquired enormous wealth during a pestilence: from those dying from the plague, he took their fortune for himself; he was also governor of Isfahan; was taken prisoner under Agha Mohammed Khan, from the Tiflis Armenians; then he was held as a hostage. Griboedov did not demand Yusuf Khan sepekhdar (“sepya” - army, “gift” - having; a title inherent only to commanders-in-chief or ministers of war) and many other captives.
3. He also did not demand captives. If you did, that’s a different matter. Body of the book Solomon Melikov was sent through Tabriz along with the remains of Griboyedov and followed together all the way to Erivan. From here the remains of Griboyedov were taken to Tiflis (buried in the monastery of St. David in Tiflis), the body of Prince. Solomon Melikov was taken from Erivan; to Etchmiadzin.
Griboyedov's body among the corpses was recognized by a relative of the murdered Solomon Melikov (brother-in-law of his brother David Melikov): only by Griboedov's long nails, which he knew well, which he kept in the large hallway 42 .
Prince Solomon Melikov expresses the following opinion: Mr. Maltsov’s report blames Griboyedov himself for many things, while the Persian government was to blame all around. Therefore, he expresses the thought. that, probably, pressure was exerted on Mr. Maltsov in Georgia. Paskevich-Erivansky, so that he would not irritate Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich even more by exposing the truth, who was too irritated at that moment so that things would not lead to more serious and disastrous consequences.
4. This is also wrong: if they themselves applied and asked, that’s a different matter.
5. There were not two, but one Georgian woman.
6. They were not summoned, but they themselves submitted a petition to Griboyedov.
7. Not true. The ambassador did not offer them anything, but she (for there was only one, not two) herself turned to the ambassador.
8a. Not true. He didn't kick them out. He was a very polite man and not the type to kick out respectable clergy.
8b. In any case, not “jami”, but either “jamo” - conciliar, or “joma” - Friday, because on Fridays the imam performs public prayer in this mosque.
8th century There is no contradiction here, but this is a fact that occurred under different circumstances, and therefore requires a detailed description. (See Martiros Khan’s note from the words of Prince Solomon Khan Melikov, the nephew of one of those killed on January 30, 1829 at the same time as Griboedov, also named Prince Solomon Melikov).
8g. Firstly, Roset-us-safa (but not Ruzat-ul-safa, as written by Rittich on page 240), is not the name of the historian, but the name of the history written by him, by which the historian 43 and entitled his essay. It is considered by the Persians themselves to be the most truthful and impartial, but to what extent in reality does it shamelessly deviate from the truth? The same book. Melikov says that this same historian, describing the wars in Khorasan, in one place says that after the victory won by one of the Persian warriors, the number of the enemy killed was equal to “bagche” (literally “garden”) of 120 standing dead. What does it mean? Since the time of Genghis Khan, the count of the killed enemy was carried out as follows: after counting 10,000 killed, every 10,000 they placed one dead person directly, supporting him from all sides; the standing dead were likened to trees, and the battlefield with such signs was called “bagche.” If there were 120 standing dead, then it means that those killed should have been 120 x 10,000 = 1,200,000, i.e. more than the population of the entire Khorasan...
9. This is wrong. The shahs did not use such expressions, at least at that time, especially Fath Ali Shah, who was distinguished by his pride and conceit.
10. At that time there were no carriages in Persia. The first carriage was brought to Tehran by the Russian envoy Duhamel already under the grandson of Fath Ali Shah (son of Abbas Mirza) Mohammed Shah. And when the envoy Duhamel was with Mohammed Shah in Isfahan, then... Duhamel stayed there in the house of the prince. David Melikov, the brother of Prince Griboedov, who was killed at the same time. Solomon Melikov. For his hospitality, Ambassador Duhamel presented this carriage to Prince. David Melikov. He, in turn, presented this carriage to his uncle Manuchehr Khan Mu "tamad-ed-dowla, the then governor of Isfahan. Manuchehr Khan, considering it indecent to ride in a carriage when the Shah himself did not have a carriage, ordered a carriage for Mohammed Shah from India (Calcutta), which was the second carriage in Persia.
11. Mu "tamad-ed-douleh Manuchehr Khan, at the conclusion of the Turkmenchay Treaty, was in Turkmenchay among the Persian representatives from Fath Ali Shah and took great part and acted in favor of the Russians, which incurred the indignation of the Persian nobles, who For a long time they were slandering Fath Ali Shah about him. The latter finally one day made a hint to Mu"tamad-ed-doula about this. My "tamad-ed-dowle replied that he really did everything, but only in order to save the Shah and his state from being captured by the Russians.
12. What was conveyed to Griboyedov on behalf of the Shah, that a “haje” (but not a hajj), that is, a eunuch, is the same as the Shah’s wife, is wrong. No shah will ever allow himself to allow himself to be compared between a haje (eunuch) and his wives. And even if they conveyed something similar to Griboedov, they shamelessly made it up.
13a. Mirza Yakub came to the Russian mission with a chest of jewelry and gold coins. At home, that is, in his premises, in the Shah’s anderun (harem), only carpets, furniture and some other rubbish remained. As for the statement that he robbed the Shah's treasury, this is wrong: everything that was with him in his chest belonged to him and was not stolen.
13b. It is said: “They resorted to court. There (that is, in court) they scolded Mirza Yakub and spat in his face.” This is incorrect, because from the moment Mirza Yakub settled in the mission in the best, he did not take a single step from there until the minute he was killed. And how could the Persians again release Mirza Yaqub from court and allow him to return to the Russian mission again? If he could be pulled out of there, he would be immediately captured and would never end up in the Russian mission again.
14a. Repeats again. Griboyedov stood up only for those prisoners who themselves turned to him.
15. There are a number of contradictions. At first it was said that in the house of Allayar Khan Asaf-ed-doule Qajar there were, according to the historian Roset-us-sef, and two black-eyed Georgians. It also says “two Armenian women.” Then, there were not two of them at all, but one. Tehran old-timers assure that this one was not brought at all, but only submitted a petition to Griboyedov.
16. Wrong. The ceiling was not burned, but broken.
17. Not “vizier” (vizier means minister), but farrash-bashi; simply Ali Khan (but not “Mirza Ahmed Ali Khan”), i.e., the head of the Shah’s farrash (executive power). This farrash-bashi Ali Khan, having been sent by the Shah to calm the people, deliberately delayed and therefore was late...
18. Khosrow Mirza, one of the sons of the Waliahd (heir) of Abbas Mirza, therefore the grandson of Fath Ali Shah, appeared to Emperor Nicholas I with a saber hanging around his neck (a sign of slavish submission) and with boots filled with earth ( ashes) thrown over the shoulders. This custom of such a sign of submission is borrowed from the ancient religious history of the Shiites. According to legend, a certain Horus, the first of the Yezid commanders, who was appointed with the Yezid troops against Imam Hussein, repented, in this very form, expressed submission to Imam Hussein, with his son and slave were the first victims for Hussein and went to fight for him.
Before the war between Russia and Persia, some mujtahid arrived in Tehran from Karbala... He incited the people against the Russians... Fath Ali Shah gathered his dignitaries for a council. Abbas Mirza, who was in Azerbaijan at that time, spoke out unconditionally in favor of a war between Persia and Russia. In Tehran, they took his side (i.e., for the war with Russia): 1. Asaf-ed-doule Allayar Khan Qajar, an irreconcilable enemy of Russia, and 2. Amin-ed-doule. On the contrary, Mu'tamad-ed-dowle, who was at that time the chief eunuch and a person very close to the Shah, was against the war with Russia. When others began to accuse him as a person loyal to Russia, and said that he did not want war because that he was afraid that his relatives would be brought as prisoners from Russia, Mu"tamad-ed-dowle resigned and left the council. When news began to arrive about the defeats of the Persian army and the Shah began to ask Russia for peace, and after Asaf-ed-Dowle and others could not come up with anything to get the Shah out of trouble, then Fath-Ali Shah remembered the words of Mu"tamad -ed-doule and sent his chief eunuch for him, and Mu"tamad-ed-doule was sent to the theater of military operations, arrived in Turkmenchay, where he was present at the conclusion of the peace treaty.
Asaf-ed-doule was beaten with sticks in front of the “dar-bache”, i.e. “little door” (that was the name of the former narrow, low entrance to the Shah’s harem, now converted into a luxurious “diamond entrance”), in the presence of Fatah himself. Ali Shah, but after several blows with sticks, the Qajars, his fellow tribesmen, rushed to him and, covering him with their bodies, did not allow further beatings and begged him for mercy from the Shah.
19. The indemnity was 6 or 7 kurur tumans (1 kurur = 500,000. At that time, 1 tuman was equal to 3 gold rubles, or 4 rubles 50 kopecks in credit. 1 kurur tumans was equal to 2 1/4 million credit rubles). Before sending this money to Russia, all the gold and silver were first collected in the house of Mu "tamad-ed-dowle (now the house of Hakim-ul-mulk opposite the Shah's palace) and the money was washed in the pool of this house. Then all these kuroors were actually sent to Russia , with the exception of only one kurur, which was later forgiven by Russia to Persia before the Sevastopol War.
20. “Kaymakam” was the title of the Grand Vizier (the same as now Sadrazam) during the reign of Fath Ali Shah and only the first year of the reign of Mohammed Shah. At the same time, this kaymak was also a poet, he wrote poetry...
A.S. Griboyedov“...on the way to Tehran, he married a captivating Georgian girl, Nina Chavchavadze. Six months later, in February 1829, he was killed.
How did this happen? The embassies were located in the city of Tabriz, the Russian mission went to Tehran to introduce itself to the Shah. Two Armenian women from the harem of a relative of the Shah and the Shah’s eunuch, also an Armenian, fled under the protection of the Russians and asked to help them return to their homeland.
An uprising of Islamic fanatics broke out. Woe to my mind! Thirty-seven people in the embassy and eighty of the attackers were killed. Of the Russians, only one, by name Maltsov, miraculously survived: he hid, like a kid in a fairy tale about a wolf and kids. Griboedov ran out to the crowd with a saber, was hit on the head with a stone, was chopped up and trampled... Two of his frivolous waltzes remained (Griboyedov, among other things, was a composer and pianist), to which I would have filmed footage of his monstrous death if I had been the director . “She was instant and beautiful,” wrote Pushkin about this death.
The Armenian women were returned to the harem. The mutilated corpse of the eunuch Mirza Yakub (isn’t it strange that the name of this unwitting culprit of the tragedy is so consonant with the name of Yakubovich, guilty of a long-standing fatal story) was dragged throughout the city and thrown into a ditch. As one Persian dignitary, an eyewitness to the murder, who in 1830 sent his memories of this to a Parisian magazine, later said, “the same thing was done with the alleged body of Mr. Griboyedov.” Griboedov's body was then identified with difficulty - by the mark on his left hand left after the duel.
Nicholas I favorably accepted the Iranian Shah's apology and a gift - a huge diamond. “I consign the ill-fated Tehran case to eternal oblivion...”
It took a long time to transport the coffin, in the end it was caulked, lowered into the ground and, for some reason, filled with oil.
The widow Nina, exhausted by grief, gave birth to a boy who did not live even a day. On Griboyedov’s grave on the Mount of St. David in Tiflis, that is, in Tbilisi (where the poet bequeathed to be buried), she ordered to knock out the inscription: “Your mind and deeds are immortal in Russian memory, but why did my love outlive you?”
Shargunov S.A., Cosmic map, or One day of punk (A.S. Griboyedov), in Sat.: Literary matrix. A textbook written by writers in 2 volumes, Volume 1, St. Petersburg-M., Limbus Press, 2011, p. 18.
Let us say right away that to this day there are interested parties who firmly hold on to the English trail in the murder of Griboedov. A version appeared in the Moscow Gazette in 1829. This is understandable, since in Persia at that time there were only Russian and British diplomatic missions and the tsar, who received the unique “Shah” diamond as a sign of forgiveness for the death of the envoy, was more convenient to look for the switchman on the side of Foggy Albion. Yuri Tynyanov gave this version a second life. In 1929, when it was 100 years since tragic death Russian envoy in Tehran, Tynyanov’s novel “The Death of Wazir-Mukhtar” appeared.
The political situation, when diplomatic relations between Bolshevik Russia and England were actually severed, suggested Yu. Tynyanov a relevant interpretation. As a result, according to the novel version, the English diplomatic corps in Persia turned out to be guilty of Griboyedov’s death.
According to Griboedov himself, he was not a key figure in Russian-Persian relations, which would make his murder reasonable for a rival state.
On December 9, 1827, Griboyedov himself in a letter to K.K. He wrote to Rodofinikin from Tabriz that he would not have much to do in Tehran, since all matters with Russia were decided by Abbas Mirza in Tabriz. He also reports that he considers it necessary to invite Abbas-Mirza to St. Petersburg. He asks General Paskevich for rewards for the British embassy. Griboedov was a man of fanatical honesty. In any case, this is how General Ermolov characterized him. And a person of this type would not have advocated for awarding the English diplomatic corps if there had been serious intrigue and hostility. And finally, it was precisely in England’s interest that Russia would gut out the twenty-million dollar indemnity from Persia and thereby force the country to become hooked on the needle of British financial injections.
The trouble is that fanatical honesty and the gullibility resulting from this quality made him a victim of the environment imposed on him.
Trusting Mind
Apparently, due to his phenomenal decency, Alexander Griboedov accepted as truth the stories of his insidious circle about the “historical homeland of the Armenians in the Caucasus.” Under the pressure of Armenian lies, the poet mistakenly believed that the Armenians were autochthonous in the South Caucasus and were once forcibly expelled from there to Persia. The main evidence for him were the churches that he saw on the territory of the Azerbaijani khanates. Apparently, he received a lot of impressive lies during his stay in the Etchmiadzin Monastery and conversations with the Patriarch in January 1820 and June 1827.
Most likely, he did not even imagine that it was possible to appropriate the churches of another people, as the Armenians did with the Albanian churches. He also did not know that he himself was a victim of falsifications that were methodically fed to him by his Armenian entourage.
On July 19, 1827, Count I. Paskevich, the husband of Griboedov’s cousin, instructed him to write a draft truce between Russia and Persia.
On November 11, 1827, at the second meeting of the conference, at which the conditions presented by Paskevich to the Persian government were discussed, it was on Griboyedov’s initiative that the main issues related to the Armenian people were considered. As is known, the poet achieved the inclusion of a special 15th article in the Turkmanchay Treaty, which became the legal basis for the mass resettlement of Armenians from Persia to the ancestral Azerbaijani lands. Let us note that after this, the Russian government’s project to resettle 80 thousand Cossacks to lands along the Iranian border lost force.
Capture of Erivan
To this we add that it was Griboedov who sharply raised the issue of the need to capture the Erivan fortress, which ultimately provided the Armenians with territory to create a state where they had never existed before. This was his report to Paskevich on July 30, 1827 after negotiations with the Persian Crown Prince Abbas Mirza from the camp near the village of Kara Baba.
Along with the political interests of Russia, Griboedov was guided by the desire to help the Armenian people return to “ historical homeland" He took care of them even after moving to the Caucasus. From the “Notes on the resettlement of Armenians from Persia to our regions” we learn that Griboyedov proposed to transfer the 30 thousand livestock of the Erivan Sardar not to the army or the treasury, but to newly arrived Armenians in order to replenish their economy.
Among Armenians
Since 1819, the poet’s assistant was the Armenian Shamir Melik-Beglyarov, who worked in the diplomatic office of the commander-in-chief in the Caucasus. Over time, Griboyedov began to blindly trust this man. His epistolary heritage contains enough letters in which he intercedes for Shamir, writes how he misses him and is waiting for him back.
Information has been preserved that it was Shamir, who in 1847 rose to the rank of colonel and holder of the Order of St. George, IV class, was one of the drafters of the new project for the Armenian state on the ancestral Azerbaijani lands.
Under his influence, Griboedov did not like the ruler of the civil chancellery, General P.I. Ermolov. Mogilevsky, who helped the beks of the Erivan Khanate (from 1828 - the Armenian region) receive Russian ranks and titles.
On the urgent advice of Shamir, Griboyedov often visited the Tiflis Armenian School, periodically meeting with trained Armenians, who attracted him to read skillfully falsified “fundamental” works on the history of Armenia.
A letter to Paskevich from Tabriz dated October 30, 1828 shows the degree of confidence Griboyedov had in the pro-Armenian forger. The poet asks the count “conquered in Bayazet A.G. Chavchavadze send oriental manuscripts to the Academy of Sciences O.I. Senkovsky, and not to the Public Library. (PSSG. III, 227.) We are talking about Osip Senkovsky, who spoke in support of Armenian falsifications under the literary mask of “Baron Brambeus”. It was him who V. Velichko called “the first mercenary of Armenians in Russian literature.”
In Tabriz, almost all the employees in his embassy mission were Armenians: clerk Rustam Bensanyan, personal translator Melik Shakhnazar, Yakub Markharyan (Mirza-Yakub), treasurer Vasily Dadashyan (Dadash-bek), couriers Isaac Sarkisov, Khachatur Shakhnazarov.
In the archive of researcher N.K. Piksanov has preserved documents testifying to the poet’s caring attitude towards these people. Among them is relation No. 1402 of August 14, 1827 of the Asian Department of Griboyedov, which confirms his choice of Lieutenant Shakhnazarov and collegiate registrar V. Dadasheva. Along with Shamir, the Armenian Dadashev also kept the young diplomat under his influence.
In December 1828, Griboedov sent a message to Paskevich with a request to announce the approved rank of staff captain to the translator Shakhnazarov and give him an annual salary for his work.
Thus, it becomes clear how and under what influence the young diplomat’s sympathetic attitude towards the Armenians, whom he initially did not favor at all, was formed.
Along with this, today the degree of guilt of Griboyedov’s Armenian entourage for his death is becoming clearer. Rustam Bensanyan, also known as Rustam Bek, was the main muleta raising the rage of the Persians against the Russian envoy. Although some sources claim that Griboedov irritated the Shah and his court with his insolence and the fact that he entered the Shah’s chambers wearing shoes, this version rests on weak supports. Contemporaries note Griboyedov's special courtesy and courtesy in his manners. As for walking in shoes on carpets, the Shah and his entourage were probably loyal to this, since a protocol on the embassy ceremony was signed in Turkmanchay, according to which Russian diplomats were allowed to wear European clothes at a reception with the Shah and, therefore, not take off their shoes.
So, it was not Griboyedov who caused dissatisfaction with the Russian diplomatic corps in Persia, as has been suggested for more than 100 years, but the Armenians. The eternally drunk Rustambek and his friends started fights in the bazaars, ran through the streets with a drawn saber and threatened the Persians. He was the main instigator who forced Griboyedov to hide two Armenian women from the harem of the influential nobleman Allayar Khan in the embassy.
Murder
Griboyedov was hostile to the dignitary, but what was the reason for the diplomat’s personal hostility towards this man and was it by chance that Rustam-bek demanded that his concubines be hidden in the embassy? By the way, we note that the women did not ask to go to Russia at all; they were taken by force, citing Article 13 of the Turkmanchay Treaty, regardless of the fact that they had already converted to Islam and had children from Allayar Khan.
The further development of actions in itself foreshadowed a tragic ending. On the night of January 21, 1829, Mirza-Yakub Markarian knocked on the door of the Russian embassy and declared that he wanted to exercise the prisoner’s right to return to his homeland. Griboyedov refused to see him at such a late time. But Markaryan returned in the morning and insisted on his own. This was a eunuch who for 15 years had made a brilliant career as the treasurer of the inner chambers of the Shah's palace, and was a confidant who knew the secrets of the Tehran elite.
The Shah's envoys were never able to explain to Griboedov that by taking away the eunuch, he was actually encroaching on the Shah's honor. Meanwhile, Allayar Khan's concubines raised a loud scandal that, at the instigation of Mirza-Yakub, they were raped by Griboyedov's half-brother Dmitriev. On the same day, Rustam-bek started another fight in the market square. In a word, the Armenians masterfully played out the scenario and brought the events to a climax. The Persians, who regarded the actions of Griboyedov and his entourage as an insult to the dignity of the entire people, destroyed the embassy and killed the diplomat. So Griboyedov became a victim of lies and treachery.
Consequences
However, the death of the poet did not end the conflicts and wars in Transcaucasia, but, on the contrary, a new knot of contradictions began - the so-called Karabakh conflict.
160 years later, history repeated itself. As is known, under the leadership of Griboedov, Armenians were resettled to Erivan, Nakhichevan and Karabakh. Armenia was proclaimed in Erivan in 1918, and the Azerbaijanis gave them the city of Erivan and 9 thousand square kilometers of territory, which Soviet years grew to 30 thousand. And from 1988 to this day, Armenians have been demanding the separation of the mountainous part of Karabakh from Azerbaijan.
Our information
From the depths of vile nationalism, new mutant destroyers emerged, who did not leave even the memory of Griboyedov to their descendants - the Palace of the Sardar of the Erivan Khanate, in which in the winter of 1828 the exiled Decembrists showed the only lifetime production of “Woe from Wit” in the presence of the author.
But the Armenians, out of respect for the memory of Griboyedov, could leave the palace and install a memorial plaque testifying to an important fact of Russian history and culture. After this production, the House of the Sardar became a fact of Russian culture, a kind of temple in which the many millions of people of the Soviet and post-Soviet space could feel the atmosphere of the high spiritual heritage of the poet, the exiled Decembrists who staged this comedy. But this priceless masterpiece of medieval Azerbaijani architecture, this enduring memory of Griboyedov has been erased from the face of the earth.
Back in 1927, a hundred years after the capture of Erivan by Russia, the palace in all its vibrant glory was a place of tourist pilgrimage. But this did not stop the Armenian vandals. In 1964 there will no longer be a palace on this site. Only a few stone blocks will remain from it.
Yuri KHECHINOV
Caucasus. 1850s. K. N. Filippov. Oil, canvas. A. Griboyedov’s routes passed along the same roads.
Moscow. Monument to A. S. Griboyedov. 1959 Sculptor A. A. Manuilov, architect A. A. Zavarzin.
N. A. Griboyedova (nee Chavchavadze). 1820s. The artist E. F. Dessay (?) captured the young princess shortly after the wedding, but he failed to convey all her charm.
Science and life // Illustrations
Georgia. Tsinandali. View of the house and living room (right) on the estate of A. S. Griboedov’s father-in-law, Prince A. G. Chavchavadze. (Nowadays it is a House Museum.)
Delivery of indemnity sums by the Persians in the city of Tebrets on February 10, 1828. K. P. Beggrov from the original by V. I. Moshkov. 1829
An alleged portrait of secretary I. Maltsov, who survived the destruction of the Russian embassy in Tehran by fanatics. 1830s. Artist P. F. Sokolov.
“Bage-Ilchi” (“Ambassador’s Garden”) in Tehran is the place where A. S. Griboyedov was killed. Photography from the early twentieth century.
Tbilisi. Mount Mtatsminda. Monument at the grave of Griboyedov at the foot of the Church of St. David. Sculptor V. I. Demut-Malinovsky.
HAPPY YEARA. S. Griboedov devoted the first days of his stay in the Caucasus to studying the diplomatic mail related to eastern policy, official visits to the military governor Sipyagin, the Tiflis civil governor Major General Hoven, a detailed report on his arrival and official news to the director of the Asian Department Rodofinikin. Only after this did Griboyedov visit Praskovya Akhverdova and the entire company of princesses he loved, each of whom he often recalled in letters to his Tiflis friend.
Now a different Nina appeared before him - a slender, black-eyed princess. She remained as friendly and cheerful without coquetry and affectation, talkative and intelligent without pompousness and narcissism, as before, ingenuous and trusting - and yet this was a different Nina.
Griboyedov, who enjoyed success with women, never experienced deep and strong affection. But fascinated by Nina, he did not take his eyes off her dark brown eyes, framed by long eyelashes and radiating kindness and meekness. Trembling feelings took possession of him for the first time.
Returning to his apartment, he began to get ready for the road in order to leave for the active army as soon as possible to meet with General Paskevich and receive instructions from him regarding the latest relations with Tabriz and Tehran.
On July 13, 1828, he left Tiflis, but... got stuck in Shulavery. The heavy rains that occurred the day before completely washed away the already damaged roads to such a state that they made any movement unthinkable. The carriages got stuck in the mud, and the horses did not obey the riders. I had to turn back.
Finding himself in the city by the will of fate, he hurried to Akhverdova.
Griboedov described what happened in the widow’s house in a letter to Thaddeus Bulgarin: “It was the 16th. That day I had dinner with my old friend Akhverdova, I was sitting at the table opposite Nina Chavchavadze... I kept looking at her, thinking , my heart began to beat, I don’t know whether it was anxiety of another kind, due to my work, now unusually important, or what else gave me extraordinary determination, leaving the table, I took her hand and said to her: Venez avec moi, j "ai quelque chose a vous dire" ("Come with me, I wanted to tell you something (French)").
She listened to me, as always, she truly thought that I would sit her down at the piano, it didn’t turn out that way, her mother’s house is nearby, we ducked there, went into the room, my cheeks were flushed, my breathing was labored, I don’t remember what I started mutter to her, and more and more lively, she cried, laughed, I kissed her, then to her mother, to her grandmother, to her second mother Praskovya Nikolaevna Akhverdova, we were blessed..."
On the same day, the lovers asked for his blessing in a letter to Nina’s father. Alexander Chavchavadze was then in Erivan.
On July 18, in a letter from Tiflis, Griboyedov shares the news with Amburger, who was appointed to the post of Consul General in Tabriz: “Congratulate me in a friendly manner. I am a groom, but I will return for my wife no earlier than winter. If she loves me half as much as I love her, then, of course, she will make me happy."
But the very next day Griboyedov was forced to leave his bride and go to Gumri. There, having received a message that detachments of Turkish partisans were operating in the rear, he took command of two companies of the Carabinieri regiment and a hundred soldiers and, together with Maltsov, moved to help Paskevich.
By the time Griboyedov joined Paskevich, the troops had already taken besieged Akhalkalaki. Having discussed the most important issues, Alexander Sergeevich returned to Tiflis, where a severe attack of fever confined him to bed. He became so thin that he did not even dare to show himself to his bride, and asked Praskovya Nikolaevna in a letter to explain to Nina the reason for his disappearance and to kiss her tenderly. But as soon as the young princess learned about the groom’s illness, she immediately hurried to him and did not leave the sick man’s bedside until he felt better.
In mid-August, despite the heat, the secretary of the English mission, a doctor by profession, John McNeil and his wife arrived in Tiflis to visit Griboedov, whom he knew, and to congratulate him on his new appointment, and at the same time inquire about his health and meet the charming bride
Having barely recovered from his illness, Griboedov hastened to complete all the necessary preparations for the wedding. The wedding took place on August 22, 1828 in Zion Cathedral. During the ceremony, due to the fever that had once again seized him, Alexander could barely stand on his feet. His hand could not hold the wedding ring that the groom was trying to put on the bride. It fell onto the stone floor. But the sigh of regret and anxiety that silently swept among those present in the cathedral could not change the prevailing festive mood.
The celebrations continued for new apartment Griboyedov, where guests were invited for dinner. Adelung, who was in the city at that time, informed his father about the events associated with Griboyedov’s marriage: “The whole of Tiflis shows the most lively sympathy for this union; he is loved and respected by everyone without exception; she is a very sweet, kind creature, almost a child, since she just turned 16 years old..." (In fact, she was two and a half months away from turning 16. - Note Yu. H.)
Nina’s cousin, Roman Chavchavadze, took the newlyweds to Tsinandali, family estate, and kept the word given by his father. The fact is that on November 4, 1812, in honor of the birth of his daughter, Alexander Gersevanovitch ordered a large clay jug buried in the ground to be filled with the best wine and drunk on the wedding day.
It was this wine that was uncorked at the prince’s Tsinandali estate and horn by horn was filled with golden Kakhetian 16-year-old.
The next morning, Nina and Alexander were blessed with a family icon depicting St. Mary in a small church, which was erected next to the house by Gersevan Chavchavadze, Nina’s famous grandfather, the former ambassador of Georgia to Russia during the reign of Erekle II.
All day long the newlyweds, accompanied by noble Kakhetians, admired the surroundings, and in the evening they again indulged in a noisy feast and Georgian chants, the melodies of which Griboedov liked so much. Sometimes, in moments free from the festivities, he even played them on the piano that stood in the prince’s living room.
There were a few days left before leaving for Tabriz. Nina decided to go to Persia with her husband. Her mother Salome undertook to accompany her daughter to Erivan, where Alexander Chavchavadze was at that time.
While Maltsov and Adelung, getting ready for the journey, picked up horses, loaded them with gifts for the Persian Shah and his entourage, as well as government belongings, Griboedov took walks and horseback rides with his young wife.
Their favorite place was the climb from the Sololaki stream up to Mount Mtatsminda, from where a beautiful view of the Kura valley opened up, along which the new city was growing. Once, during one of his walks, Griboyedov, hugging Nina, thought for a long time, went into himself, and then said:
My love, Ninuli, if anything happens to me, give me your word, bury my remains here. This is the most awesome place!
“Oh, no, my Alexander,” she objected hotly. - Leave the sadness, we will live forever. And our love will not fade, just as your poetic gift will not fade.
PERSIAN KNOTFilled with a new strong feeling that pushed aside anxiety, Griboyedov writes to Varvara Miklashevich: “...I’m married, I’m traveling with a huge caravan, 110 horses and mules, we spend the night under tents at the heights of the mountains, where the winter cold is. My Ninusha doesn’t complain, she’s happy with everything, playful, cheerful; for a change we have brilliant meetings, the cavalry rushes at full speed, dusts, dismounts and congratulates us on our happy arrival in a place where we would not like to be at all. Today we were received by the entire clergy of the monastery in Etchmiadzin, with crosses, icons, banners, singing ...
But can I be forgiven, after so many experiences, so many reflections, to rush into new life, indulge in the arbitrariness of chance, and everything further from calming the soul and mind. And independence! of whom I was such a passionate lover, has disappeared, perhaps forever, and no matter how sweet and comforting it is to share everything with a beautiful, airy creature, it is now so light and joyful, and ahead it is so dark! Uncertain!! Will it always be like this!! - and adds at the end of the letter: - Finally, after an anxious day, in the evening I retire to my harem; there I have a sister, a wife, and a daughter, all in one sweet little face... Love my Ninochka. Do you want to know her? In Malmaison, in the Hermitage, immediately at the entrance, to the right, there is the Virgin Mary in the form of a Murillo shepherdess - here she is."
The capital of Armenia arranged a solemn welcome for travelers. As the caravan approached the city, a cavalcade of horsemen and carriages moved towards them from the city walls. Griboyedov mounted a horse and galloped forward with his retinue.
The Erivan parade ground adjutant, wanting to show his knowledge of the Russian language, when meeting the distinguished guest, said:
The Erivan Khanya congratulates Your Excellency on Armenian soil!
After driving through stone bridge Through Zanga, Griboedov was met by Armenian and Russian clergy with banners, icons, candles and censers. The envoy jumped off his horse, kissed the cross that the bishop handed him, and entered the city to the cheers of the townspeople. For two days, each of the noble khans considered it his honor to invite guests to dinner parties.
And ahead was Nina, Salome and Alexandra new meeting, desirable and touching. It happened on September 21, 1828. “Early in the morning,” Adelung wrote to his father from Erivan, “when everyone was still sleeping, Prince Chavchavadze, Madame Griboedova’s father, came from Bayazet to see the newlyweds before they left for Persia: he is the head of the Armenian province and therefore does not live in Tiflis.. "
In Erivan, major general, cavalier and participant Patriotic War 1812, saw his son-in-law for the first time, although he had previously had business correspondence with him.
On September 23, Griboyedov sent an official message to Paskevich, in which he informed about the misinterpretation of some articles of the Turkmanchay Treaty by local officials of both sides and asked the general to order in a circular to all border commanders of Erivan, Karabagh, Talish and other regions to strictly observe the principles aimed at benefiting Russia. From Erivan he sent several more communications concerning the details of the anti-Shah rebellion raised in Khorosan by one of the khans, the progress of matters regarding the payment of part of the amount of the 8th Kurur, as well as the orders and gifts with which the Russian Emperor awarded the English Minister John MacDonald and other officials of the mission . The secretary, Captain John Campbell, was not awarded. In his message, Griboyedov asks to correct the annoying omission and reward the secretary on an equal basis with others, which, in his opinion, will be gratefully received by the entire English mission. In addition, he brings to the attention of Paskevich that the Russian Ambassador Extraordinary in London has not yet made any communication to the English court about the awards bestowed by the Russian sovereign, and asked that Vice-Chancellor Nesselrode be informed about this.
The illness that followed the envoy along the entire route forced him to often linger on the road for several days, so the caravan reached the crossing at Julfa only on October 1, 1828. Taking advantage of the stop, Griboedov sent a detailed letter to Paskevich, in which he outlined compelling considerations regarding the ill-conceived policy of resettling Armenians in the Nakhichevan region, which caused fair criticism from local old-timers. In Nakhichevan itself, Armenian families, who were previously in a significant minority, after the arrival of settlers from Persia, noticeably outnumbered the old-time Muslims living there. “Here the Armenians, the newcomers, are better off than in any other place where I met them,” he reported to Paskevich, “but fermentation and displeasure in the minds of the Tatars reaches the highest degree...”
Griboyedov proposes a diplomatic solution to a complex problem threatening conflict: to resettle some of the Armenian families to other places, especially since most of them experienced cramped housing, and hence many inconveniences. “But it is much less inconvenient to earn the murmur of 100 or 150 families than of an entire province, newly acquired and bordering, which we finally forced to sigh for the former Persian rule, known to your Excellency for its unfatherly feelings towards its subjects; I even fear,” he continued, “ that all this will soon appear in foreign newspapers, and not very much in our favor... We are taking away power from the beks and khans, and in return we are giving the people the confusion of foreign laws.”
In his proposals one could already see not only a mature diplomat, but also statesman, imbued with respect for the laws and customs of local peoples annexed to Russia, and caring about the international prestige of his homeland. “I repeat once again,” he proved the correctness of his judgments, “that you cannot allow yourself to be understood by the local people except through those tribal leaders and clergy who have long enjoyed the respect and trust assigned to their titles...”
Similar considerations could be expressed by a person who deeply studied local customs during long work in Persia, the Caucasus, and during frequent business trips to these regions. For him, his main desire was to find agreement not at the cost of saber rattling, but through a trusting attitude and legal justice towards the peoples who had sided with Russia.
The difference in views with Ermolov, who considered force and intimidation to be the main tool for pacifying the mountain peoples of the Caucasus, became stronger over the years for Griboyedov, and after becoming a minister-envoy, he was finally convinced of the unacceptability of punitive measures and the need for respectful treatment of the aborigines. Legality, justice and bringing the elders and local nobility to the side of the Russians - this is what Griboyedov called on the ruler of the Caucasus, taking his first steps in the field of diplomatic service in his new position.
“On the other side of the Araks I was received with great honor,” he reported to the vice-chancellor on October 20, 1828, “just as in Tabriz. But most of all I liked the good memory that our troops left among the rural people. The army of the Mikhmandar, sent to me on behalf of the Shah, irritated the peasants with their oppression and rude treatment; the poor people loudly reproached these soldiers for their dissimilarity with the Russians, who are both fair and kind, so the people would be very glad to see them return."
He explained in no less detail the state of affairs with the payment of the 8th Kurur, behind which there were insoluble, from his point of view, difficulties associated with an extremely impoverished people who had nothing to transfer to the revenue collectors: “Abbas Mirza pledged all his jewelry," Griboyedov reported to Nesselrode, "his court, his wives even gave away diamond buttons from their dresses. In a word, the extreme is beyond any description."
Burdened with the categorical demand of the Russian government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Tsar's governor in the Caucasus, Count Paskevich-Erivansky, to obtain the kururs required by the Turkmanchay Treaty, Griboedov did not agree to Abbas-Mirza's requests to soften the terms of the indemnity. In his message to Nesselrode, he even cited his dialogue with him: “You don’t know for sure,” he told me, “that the Shah doesn’t even want to hear about this money and that both Kururs will fall on my responsibility.” I objected that I was not obligated to know what kind of household settlements he had with his father, that the Shah signed and ratified the agreement, and it was my job to ensure its implementation..."
Understanding the plight of the Persians, the new envoy asked for Nesselrode's consent to replace monetary debt and accept goods for the same amount: cotton paper, silk, precious things - or buy horses, bread and other products. “Excuse me, Count,” he wrote to Paskevich, “that I have expanded so much on this subject, but I am afraid of the responsibility that is so easy to fall into when it comes to money and when one cannot expect either frankness or compliance from those people with whom I have to deal."
Strange as it may seem, Griboedov also had to make requests regarding the living conditions of his employees: “We live here in such conditions that everyone gets sick from it,” he informed Nesselrode. “Any English officer lives in much better conditions, than me. I have already spent 900 ducats on repairing and furnishing the rooms I occupy... My house is overcrowded; In addition to my people, there live in it the prisoners whom I managed to find, and their relatives who came for them. All of them are poor people, and they have no other opportunity to find a roof over their heads except in the mission premises. Until now, all my people, excluding me and the Consul General, that is, secretaries, translators, 10 Cossacks whom I took with me, are forced to live in huts from which their owners were evicted, which, of course, does not contribute to maintaining a good attitude towards to us from the local residents."
In this letter, having described both his humiliating position and the position of the rest of the Russian mission employees, Griboyedov for the first time raised the question of the need to allocate a certain amount, according to his conservative calculations, not exceeding 3,000 tomans, and for the construction of the embassy in Tehran - an additional 7,000 tomans.
The emperor considered the envoy’s request to be justified, but the positive answer was clothed in a truly Jesuitical form: “The Emperor has all-mercifully allowed the use of 10 thousand tomans for buildings and decent equipment for placing our mission in the mentioned cities. This amount, as extraordinary, seems to you to be borrowed from the money 9 or 10 kurur, which will henceforth be received from Persia in payment of indemnity under the Treaty of Turkmanchay."
This answer put the envoy in a very difficult position. It followed from it: in order to provide mission employees with a decent standard of living, Griboedov must, after completing the already difficult collection of the 8th Kurur, direct all efforts to ensure the earliest possible receipts from the 9th Kurur. Only in this case could he use part of the amount for the benefit of his employees. The desire to fulfill the will of the sovereign and the terms of the Turkmanchay Treaty pushed for an early departure to Tehran. Griboyedov temporarily postponed it, having learned about the absence of the Shah in the capital.
The arrival of Roman, Nina's brother, in Tabriz brought joyful revival to her life. Until now, only meetings with John MacDonald and his family, who were kind to both the Russian envoy and his young wife, served as a pleasant outlet for her. In one of his letters to Rodofinikin, reporting on all the difficulties in collecting money that he had to face, Griboyedov, in justification of his zealous service, wrote: “This is also proof for you that my sovereign’s business is the first and most important, and I don’t put my own in a penny.” “I’ve been married for two months, I love my wife madly, and yet I’m leaving her here alone to hurry to the Shah for money in Tehran, and maybe to Ispagan, where he’s going the other day.”
Then the trip was postponed, but in early December it became a reality.
On December 3, 1828, Griboyedov continued the letter he had not sent two and a half months ago, addressed to Miklashevich: “That’s right, you yourself will guess, invaluable Varvara Semyonovna, that I am writing to you not in the usual state of mind. Tears are flowing in hailstones...”
Nina’s suffering caused by a painful pregnancy, and the resignation with which she endured them, and the sad memories of Alexander Odoevsky, languishing in Siberian exile, were to blame for this: “Now I’m writing to Paskevich,” he tells a close friend, “if he is now will not help him, all his distinctions, glory and thunder of victories have failed, all this is not worth getting rid of the death of one unfortunate person and who!!"
Addressing Paskevich on the same day, Griboyedov wrote: “My priceless benefactor. Now, without further preamble, I simply throw myself at your feet and, if I were with you, I would do this and shower your hands with tears...
Help, help out the unfortunate Alexander Odoevsky. Remember to what high level the Lord God has placed you. Of course, you deserve it, but who gave you the means for such merit? The same one for whom the deliverance of one unfortunate person from death is much more important than the thunder of victories, assaults and all our human anxiety... Do this only good and it will be credited to you with God as the indelible features of his heavenly mercy and protection. His throne does not have the Dibichs and Chernyshevs, who could eclipse the price of a high, Christian, pious feat. I have seen how earnestly you pray to God, I have seen a thousand times how you do good. Count Ivan Fedorovich, do not neglect these lines. Save the sufferer."
The lines addressed to the general close to the court and favored by him were more reminiscent of a cry from the soul, the last desire of a person before throwing himself into the abyss of the unknown, and asking for his will to be carried out.
On December 9, 1828, after touchingly saying goodbye to his wife, mission staff and the MacDonald couple, Griboyedov left Tabriz, promising to return soon.
DEATH OF A MESSENGERThe court astrologer, drawing up a calendar for the Shah for the coming month, noted the movement of the celestial body towards the constellation Scorpio, and this foreshadowed serious upheavals. He reported the alarming forecast to Feth Ali Shah.
“Insh, Allah,” said the aging ruler of the country, leaving everything to fate, but nevertheless ordered to strengthen the security of the palace...
At this time, Griboyedov and his retinue were crossing Kaflanka, a mountain range on the way to Tehran. An early cold and heavy, deep snow that trapped horses made travel slow, tedious, and difficult. The Russian mission, in addition to the envoy, Maltsov, Adelung, a doctor and two heads of servants, consisted of 30 people - Muslims, Russians, Georgians and Armenians. The retinue was accompanied by a horse convoy of 16 Kuban Cossacks.
Having overcome a snow-covered mountain pass, they entered the city of Zanjan, where they were solemnly greeted by high officials. The next day, a reception was held in honor of the arrival of the distinguished Russian guest, during which the owner, Prince Abdul Mirza, presented Griboyedov with an excellent horse. In addition, he gave the embassy 15 horses to replace those tired on the journey (with which Crown Prince Abbas Mirza supplied them in Tabriz). Such expensive gifts and tokens of attention that Persian officials bestowed on the Russian mission throughout the long and difficult journey from Tabriz to Tehran suggested reciprocal steps on the part of the Russian envoy.
Griboedov, constrained by government money, about which he informed both Paskevich and Nesselrode, was unable to respond in kind, and was forced to limit himself to one or two chervonets, with which he paid the owners of the houses where they happened to stay overnight.
Moreover, along the way he had to take horses from passing merchants, replacing tired ones, with promises to pay them back later. Both of these caused displeasure that was noticeable to everyone. Griboyedov himself really hoped that the main and generous gifts to the Shah from the Russian sovereign had already reached Tehran, where they were supposed to arrive by sea from Astrakhan.
The ceremonial entry into the Persian capital coincided with the day when the Sun entered the constellation Scorpio, which the astrologer considered an unfavorable sign. The next day, Griboyedov paid an official visit to Foreign Minister Mirza Abdul Hassan Khan and other important Persian officials.
And only a day later, after agreeing on the reception ceremony for the Russian envoy, his meeting with the Shah took place, at which Griboedov presented his credentials. The Shah of Persia sat on the throne in full festive attire and in a heavy headdress decorated with stones, as required by etiquette.
The negotiations, of course, concerned the most acute and painful problems for the Persians: the return of prisoners, former Russian subjects, full payment of the 8th Kurur and the final amount of indemnity determined by the terms of the Turkmanchay Treaty, as well as the elimination of obstacles to trade that Persian officials sometimes caused to Russian merchants.
As a sign of respect, the Shah sent the Russian envoy a beautiful horse with a golden bridle, valuable gifts and awarded him the Order of the Lion and the Sun, 1st degree. The remaining members of the Russian mission were not forgotten: the officials received gifts and the Order of the Lion and the Sun of the 2nd degree, everyone else, including the Cossacks guarding the Russian mission, also received gifts and gold medals.
And Griboyedov himself sent his wife a beautifully inlaid ink set, which he bought in one of the Tehran shops. On front side The inkwells were depicted with angels, and on the back of the lid, at his request, an inscription in French was engraved. Its translation read: “Write to me often, my angel Ninuli, forever yours A.G. January 15, 1829 Tehran.”
Nothing foreshadowed a tragic outcome then, not even Griboedov’s intractability during official meetings with the Shah’s officials when it came to monetary indemnity or the captive hostages they were hiding (for which he was even called cruel).
A few days before leaving for Tabriz, which Griboyedov was in such a hurry and for which he had even prepared in advance by ordering traveling oxen and horses, a certain Mirza-Yakub came to the Russian embassy and declared his desire to return to his homeland, Armenia. Griboyedov, having found out all the circumstances of the case, took an active part in the fate of Mirza-Yakub, leaving him on the mission, which caused the displeasure of the Shah.
The Shah's court was also indignant, demanding that the Russian envoy hand over Mirza-Yakub, who was also, as it turned out, the treasurer and chief eunuch, which means he knew many secrets personal life Shah. Mirza-Yakub could announce them, which was considered sacrilege, and therefore caused general indignation.
The situation was further aggravated by the fact that in the envoy’s yard there were two Georgian women who had previously been taken from Georgia. At the request of their relatives, they returned home. Noble owners insisted on handing over the captives to them. Among them was Allayar Khan.
Griboedov found himself in a complex whirlpool of intricacies. This time the ardent heart of a citizen and patriot prevailed over the cold mind of a diplomat.
In order to somehow resolve the flaring conflict, Griboyedov agreed to a meeting between Mirza Yakub and Manuchar Khan. It seemed that everything was moving towards reconciliation of the parties, but... Mirza-Yakub at the very last moment made the final decision to remain under the protection of the Russian envoy, which caused a storm of indignation and curses addressed to him.
“Continue, take away from me and all my wives. The Shah will remain silent,” the ruler exclaimed on this occasion, offended by Griboedov’s intransigence, “but my son, the Naib Sultan, is going to St. Petersburg and will personally complain to the Emperor about you.” The Shah's words during the last audience had no effect on Griboyedov.
A local official, who had a favorable attitude toward the Russian envoy, warned of the impending danger, but Griboyedov stood his ground: “No one is allowed to raise a hand against the envoy of a great power.”
However, the morning of January 30th turned out to be fatal. From the streets adjacent to the Russian embassy, the ominous stomping and roar of the crowd began to be heard, which was approaching the fence. Soon people crowded around the gate, shouting angry curses. Many of them armed themselves with sticks, stones, daggers, broadswords...
The Persian guards assigned to guard the Russian embassy were unable to resist the pressure of the crowd, which, having broken the gate, burst into the courtyard: “Bekosh hurray! Bekosh hurray!! (Kill him!)” - rushed from everywhere, arousing fanatical rage in the crowd.
The Russian Cossacks, defending themselves, opened fire, but this only enraged the crowd, which burst into the building, spreading through the premises, destroying everything in its path. Someone was already breaking into the roof, others were rushing to help them. There was no power to stop the avalanche of rioters and thugs. The local guards, making way for the angry crowd, remained a mute witness to what had happened.
Dressed in the uniform of a Russian envoy, Griboyedov with weapons in his hands, surrounded by his retinue, fell after a short fight at the hands of assassins. Adelung, Doctor Malberg, clerk Kabulov, translators, Mirza-Yakub, two Georgians, valet Alexander Gribov, and the Russian Cossacks guarding the embassy were killed...
“Make way for the ambassador, make way for the ambassador,” the crowd chanted, dragging the disfigured corpse of the Russian diplomat out into the street to drag it through the Persian capital for everyone to see. The midday January sun was reflected in the glare cast by the glasses, which were caught by the temple on his doublet.
The only one who could shed light on the details of the tragedy that unfolded was the secretary of the Russian embassy, Ivan Maltsov, but he, having paid a hundred chervonets to the Persian guards assigned to his door, was all this time in the depths of another room and could see little.
Having killed the guards and servants, the riotous crowd began looting, dragging clothes, chairs, sofas, wardrobes into the yard, trampling papers, letters, memos and rough sketches into the mud. For a long time, the cold wind scattered scraps of some sheets of paper across the empty courtyard... and among them, perhaps, those from the pen of a poet and diplomat who would never see the light of day.
Only under cover of night did the Persian sarbaz, having dressed Maltsov in the soldier's clothes of a Persian warrior, transfer him to the Shah's palace.
The terrible news about the death of the Russian envoy and the entire Russian mission in Tehran reached Tabriz on February 6, and already on February 8, John MacDonald sent a letter to General Paskevich: “...Poor Madame Griboyedova, the daughter of Prince Chavchavadze, who just got married, still does not realize "the unjust loss that she suffered with the death of the most loving and beloved of all spouses. She now lives with us, Your Excellency, and her grief-stricken parents can be sure that she will be given the most tender care and attention."
Russian consul Amburger, whom Griboyedov asked before leaving to pay attention to Nina, having learned about the tragedy and fearing for own life, without waiting for orders from above, he left Tabriz and moved to Nakhichevan under the protection of Russian weapons. Worried about the fate of his daughter, the head of the Erivan region, Major General Alexander Chavchavadze, hastened to ask Count Paskevich for permission to urgently leave Armenia for Tabriz, but was refused.
Submitting to Paskevich’s demand not to cross the Russian-Persian border, concerned for the fate of his daughter, the prince sent his nephew Roman Chavchavadze to Persia.
IN SEARCH OF TRUTHOnly Maltsov could clarify the true picture of the events that took place in Tehran, and this was well understood by Paskevich, who was looking forward to his return and was grateful to the English Ambassador John MacDonald for his efforts.
In a letter to Nesselrode dated March 9, 1829, the count reported: “The English mission in Persia, in any case, has shown all the signs of subtle polite decency since the unfortunate affair of Griboedov. MacDonald’s concerns about Maltsov’s safety and that he return to us as soon as possible make him honor, and in my last letter I express my sincere gratitude to him."
Among the circular letters sent by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire to the Russian embassies of European countries in connection with the unheard-of tragedy in Tehran, there was a letter to Count Christopher Lieven. In it, the vice-chancellor notified the Russian ambassador in Great Britain that the Russian emperor was pleased with the actions of the British mission in Tabriz, which followed the death of the Russian envoy and the entire embassy, and first of all MacDonald, who immediately sent his brother with an official note of protest about the barbaric act that occurred.
Thanks to the intervention of the English ambassador, the secretary of the mission, Maltsov, who was under arrest in the Shah's palace, was released, taken under escort to the Julfa crossing and handed over to the Russian side.
In the first report (March 18, 1829) from Nakhichevan, Maltsov explained the details of his rescue and stay in the Shah's palace, placing the blame for the bloody massacre committed by the mob on the spiritual leader Ayatollah Mirza-Masih-Mujtehid, not without the instigation of Allahyar Khan and other Persian officials , who called in the main Tehran mosque to rescue women allegedly forcibly held there from the hands of infidels and to deal with the main instigator of the Shah's peace, Mirza-Yakub, a native of the Erivan region, Armenian Markarian.
In the next message he added: “Abbas-Mirza seemed to me truly upset by everything that happened in Tehran, because he knows that on the other side of Kaflanka everyone hates him and he can never be Shah without the help of Russia... Abbas-Mirza says that he ready to declare war on Turkey, if only it pleases the Emperor."
When Maltsov learned that he had been appointed consul general in Tabriz instead of Amburger, who unexpectedly left the city, he sent a private letter: “From my reports,” he wrote to Paskevich, “Your Excellency, please see, que j"ai joue ruse pour ruse avec les Persans (that I responded with cunning to the cunning of the Persians (French). - Note Yu. H.) - and this only saved my life. Now I am on soil overshadowed by the immeasurable wing of the double-headed Russian eagle and I am telling the absolute truth to my superiors: the Persians will never forgive me for this, and for everything that happens unpleasant to them, they will harbor a personal grudge against me.”
He asked Paskevich to intercede for him with the vice-chancellor and not to return him to his previous job, but, if possible, to find “some kind of secretarial position at one of our European missions.”
The death of the Russian envoy in Tehran dramatically changed the political situation in the region.
Already on February 23, 1829, Count Paskevich reported to Vice-Chancellor Nesselrode in St. Petersburg: “The insolence of the Turks even now extends to the point that a detachment of their troops, having made their way from Arzrum to the Akhaltsikhe pashalyk, despite the severity of the winter and impassable mountain roads, outraged the inhabitants of various sanjaks and numbering from 12 to 15 thousand people with four cannons and a mortar appeared 20 versts from Akhaltsikhe and intended to attack this city.
On the other hand, the terrible incident that happened to our Plenipotentiary Minister in Persia, Mr. Griboyedov, about whom I had the honor to inform Your Excellency in dispatch No. 18, threatens war with this last Power, for if neither the Shah nor Abbas Mirza participated in villainous act with Mr. Griboyedov, then this unfortunate incident, explaining to what extent the riot and frenzy of the Persian mob extends, shows how easily a general revolution can break out in Persia against the local Government, and if it happens, then, of course, our borders will not remain untouchable.
Now that circumstances have changed so dramatically not in our favor, I decide to ask for nothing more than the same reinforcements for which I petitioned before..."
Reports of preparations in individual provinces for war against the Russians, as well as intentions to help the Turks in their war with Russia, could not help but worry Paskevich. Therefore, Maltsov’s report, which “saw” the non-involvement of the Shah and his crown prince in the tragic events that took place in Tehran, determined the general’s position and further plan of action. The main thing in it was to prevent a war on two fronts: with Persia and Turkey.
Paskevich considered it necessary to enlist the opinion of the sovereign himself, and not act independently in this suddenly aggravated and already difficult situation. At the end of March, the chief executive in Georgia finally received a response from the vice chancellor. In it, Nesselrode outlined the reaction of Nicholas I to tragic events and the conditions for the reconciliation of the parties: “The terrible incident in Tehran struck us to the highest degree. Your Excellency’s attitude towards me on this subject, the Sovereign Emperor deigned to read with a feeling of lively sorrow about the disastrous fate that so suddenly befell our Minister in Persia and almost all of his retinue, who became a victim of the fury of the local mob.The dignity of Russia has been dealt a strong blow, it must be solemnly erased by the clear recognition of the supreme Persian power of its complete innocence in this case.
Given this sad event, His Majesty would have been pleased with the confidence that the Shah of Persia and the heir to the Throne were alien to vile and inhuman intent, and this incident should be attributed to the reckless impulses of the zeal of the late Griboyedov, who did not consider his behavior with the rude customs and concepts of the Tehran mob, and on the other hand side, the well-known fanaticism and unbridledness of this very mob, which alone forced the Shah to start a war with us in 1826..."
Next, the vice-chancellor informed Paskevich of the sovereign’s consent to the arrival of either Abbas Mirza or his son in St. Petersburg with a letter of apology from the Shah as the only step “in order to justify the Persian Court in the eyes of Europe and all of Russia.” The decision to defer the payment of the 9th and 10th Kururs, which Griboyedov so insisted on at one time, was left to Nicholas I to make to Paskevich himself.
Neither the vice-chancellor himself, nor any of the other officials, nor the same Paskevich said a word about the harsh conditions they placed Griboedov under, demanding that he strictly collect Money, disregarding the capabilities of the Persians and not agreeing with the delay or softening of the terms of indemnity. Without waiting for acceptable advice and decisions, Griboedov, through forced intractability, incurred the indignation of the Persian side.
The state of Paskevich himself could be understood. The atrocity that took place in Tehran required revenge, but the prevailing situation, when the troops were at war with Turkey, did not allow it to be plunged into the borders of another country without sufficient reinforcements.
The Shah's court was also in great confusion: on the one hand, expecting revenge on Russia, and on the other, although it wanted to please its northern neighbor, it was still afraid to take harsh measures against the instigators and perpetrators of the murder of the Russian envoy, so as not to alienate the Muslim clergy and provoke another popular revolt.
The contents of the letter from Foreign Minister Mirza Abdul Hassan Khan to the English envoy, who expressed in a note of protest his extremely negative attitude towards the bloody events that took place in Tehran, brings some clarity to the intentions and actions of the Persian side.
It reported “that after the sudden and sorrowful murder of the Russian Envoy, His Majesty the Shah set in his heart the indispensable intention to punish all the perpetrators and those involved in this matter and only expected the return of his son Ryukhne Dovlet, who, upon arrival here, with his presentation, accelerated the fulfillment of this Shah’s intention expel from Tehran Mujtehid-Mirza-Masikh, who gathered the black people and brought them into unrest.The mob wanted to resist the departure of Mujtehid and create a riot in the capital, but we, the all-zealous servants of the Shah's Majesty, with our diligence managed to disperse the popular gatherings and crush all violent plans. .. Believe me, most respected benefactor,” the minister concluded his letter, “that the Shah values Russia’s friendship too highly to ignore the satisfaction due to this Power...”
In early May, it became known that the Shah agreed to send his grandson Khozrov-Mirza to St. Petersburg with an official apology for what had happened, and then Paskevich immediately sent Prince Kudashev to Tabriz, who gave Abbas-Mirza a letter explaining the reason for his adjutant’s departure to meet Khozrov-Mirza : “in order to calm your Parental heart and prove to Your Highness that I do not lose sight of everything that can serve to calmly follow the path of your son, and thereby prove to you my true commitment.”
They tried in every possible way to hide the truth from young Nina Griboedova. Roman Chavchavadze, who arrived in Tabriz, managed to convince her that Griboedov was alive and instilled in her a ghostly hope. He even managed to persuade her to leave for Tiflis, allegedly at the request of her husband himself, who was planning to return home after her.
Meanwhile, all of Tiflis was in mourning, and it became impossible to conceal such stunning news any longer. Nina herself, in a letter to the wife of the English envoy on April 22, 1829, shared her experiences after returning to Tiflis: “A few days after my arrival, hard days spent in the struggle with the melancholy that gripped me, in the struggle with the vague anxiety and gloomy forebodings that were increasingly tearing me apart, it was decided that it was better to immediately tear off the veil than to hide it from me the terrible truth. It’s beyond my strength to retell to you everything that I suffered; I appeal to your heart loving wife So that you can appreciate my grief, I am sure that you will understand me: my health could not withstand this terrible blow. The revolution that took place in my entire being brought the moment of my deliverance closer. Devastated by mental suffering more than by physical suffering, only a few days later I was able to accept the new blow that fate was preparing for me: my poor child lived for an hour, and then was united with his unfortunate father - in a world where, I hope, they will also be appreciated dignity, and their cruel suffering. However, they managed to baptize him and gave him the name Alexander in honor of his poor father."
And in March, when the news of Griboedov’s death reached Russia, both St. Petersburg and Moscow mourned him. “The death that befell him in the middle of a brave, unequal battle had nothing terrible, nothing painful for Griboedov. It was instantaneous and beautiful,” wrote A. S. Pushkin several years after the incident in “Travel to Arzrum.”
On May 1, a horse escort of 50 Persian sarbaz led by an officer of the Shah’s guard transported the body of the murdered plenipotentiary Russian minister Alexander Griboyedov to the Julfa crossing to hand it over to the Russian side. They were sent from Abbas-Abad to meet them at the crossing. Orthodox priest and one battalion of the Tiflis infantry regiment with two field guns. Among those who met Griboedov's body were Major General Merlini, Colonel Eksan Khan, Andrei Amburger, Roman Chavchavadze, Pyotr Grigoriev and others.
“When we met the body, the battalion lined up in two rows. The coffin containing the mortal remains of the late Griboyedov,” Amburger reported in a letter to Paskevich, “was in the takhtirevan, accompanied by 50 horsemen, under the command of Kelb-Ali Sultan, who stopped in the middle. When they took the coffin out of the takhtirevan and were as sure as possible that it contained the body of the late minister, they gave it military honor and sang the eternal memory..."
According to D. A. Smirnov, a collector of information about the poet and the author of “Biographical News about Griboyedov,” it is known that the sister of the deceased, Maria Sergeevna, assured that there was no way to recognize him among the dead, and therefore allegedly “they put the first one they came across in the coffin and with brought to Russian possessions with various honors."
This version is completely refuted by Griboyedov’s widow. “The rumors that reached Maria Sergeevna that the body of A.S. (Griboedov) was not found are unfair,” she answered in a letter to the same Smirnov dated May 7, 1847. “I know from the faithful people who accompanied his coffin that "His body was taken to Tiflis. True, they said that it was impossible to recognize him by his face, but he was recognized by his little finger, cramped from a wound in a duel."
Giving orders for the organization of the funeral, General Paskevich, who was in the active army in Turkey, wrote: “I instruct you to make an order so that it is met with honor befitting the rank of the deceased and with equal honor interred in Tiflis, in the Church of St. David...”
Nina insisted on this place, thereby fulfilling the will of her late husband.
The burial was scheduled for July 18, 1829, and the funeral service was decided to be held in Zion Cathedral, where the lovers had been married a few months earlier.
Next to the mourning widow and her relatives were the military governor of Tiflis, Adjutant General Strekalov, who had recently been appointed to this position in place of the suddenly deceased General Sipyagin, the civil governor and colleague of the deceased on economic projects, Zavileisky, generals, officers and honorary residents of Tiflis. The cathedral could not accommodate everyone who wanted to attend the funeral service, which was performed by the Exarch of Georgia himself, Metropolitan Jonah.
It seemed that the entire population of the city volunteered to see off the “Russian son-in-law” on his last journey. In mournful silence, with sorrowful faces, they walked behind the coffin of the deceased. The entire highest and noblest class, along with ordinary townspeople, participated in this sad procession, paying their last respects to the poet, minister-envoy and husband of Princess Nina Alexandrovna Chavchavadze.
In the book of records of the Zion Cathedral, in part three about those who died in 1829 and registered by the Tiflis Cathedral of the Assumption, there is still the date of burial of Alexander Sergeevich Griboedov: July 18, and in the column “Who died, with what disease” it appears: “Killed by the Persians in Tehran ".
The mother and widow of the deceased were given a one-time benefit in the amount of 60 thousand rubles for the damage caused. The widow herself was given a lifelong pension of 5 thousand rubles in banknotes.
RECONCILIATION OF THE PARTIESVice-Chancellor Nesselrode, in addition to the concerns expressed by Paskevich, was worried about the interruption of relations with Persia due to the unexpected departure of Consul General Amburger to Nakhichevan at that very inopportune moment when peace with such a large southern power was especially necessary. At the end of March 1829, St. Petersburg decided to send Major General Dolgorukov to Persia. In the instructions dated April 5, compiled by the Russian Foreign Ministry for the new envoy, it was noted that “the disastrous death of our minister in Tehran has caused a harmful situation in our friendly relations with this Power, while now its friendship is especially necessary for us due to military circumstances with the Ottoman Porto."
St. Petersburg chose the personality of Prince Dolgorukov because during the last Persian campaign, the major general personally met the heir to the throne, Abbas Mirza, and to some extent acquired his favor.
In his very first reports, Dolgorukov informed the vice-chancellor in St. Petersburg about what Paskevich already knew: about the actions taken by the Shah’s eldest son, Ryuhne Dovlet. “The long-promised punishment of the perpetrators of the disaster that befell the embassy in Tehran has finally taken place,” he wrote to Count Nesselrode. “...The Shah made all his efforts to capture those who participated in the beating of our embassy officials.
More than 1,500 of them finally received punishment due to their crime: some were executed by death, others had their hands cut off or their noses and ears cut, about a thousand families were driven out of Tehran; In addition, the strictest measures have been taken to capture the perpetrators who sought salvation by fleeing the capital..."
The main instigator of the Persian mob, the city confessor Ayatollah Mirza-Masih-Mujtehid, despite the protests of the Muslim clergy, including petitioners from Isfahan, was expelled from the country in disgrace and found refuge in Karbala, the holy city of Shiite Muslims in Asian Turkey.
After the completion of the negotiations, Khozrov-Mirza and his large retinue headed to St. Petersburg with letters of apology to the Russian emperor from Feth Ali Shah and Crown Prince Abbas Mirza and with gifts to the royal court.
One of the Shah’s parting words to his grandson before his departure was to visit the mother of the murdered envoy Nastasya Filippovna Griboyedova in Moscow on the way to the Russian capital and ask her for an apology.
As a sign of reconciliation, Khozrov-Mirza presented Nicholas I with a mysterious shape and unprecedented size of the Shah diamond, on the sides of which there were inscriptions perfectly executed in Arabic script, the first of which is dated 1591 AD.
Only in mid-October 1829 did Khozrov-Mirza and his retinue leave St. Petersburg and go back to Persia, taking with them the hope of a long peace.
The pomp with which Khozrov-Mirza was greeted in Russian capital, Russia needed to further secure friendship with the recently defeated enemy and thereby ensure his neutrality in the Russian-Turkish war. The death of the Russian envoy turned out to be just a bargaining chip in a political game. In a response letter from Emperor Nicholas I to Crown Prince Abbas Mirza, it was reported: “We hope that the acceptance of Prince Khozrov-Mirza in the Russian State and the honors that were given to Him during his stay here, our royal goodwill towards the Sovereign of Persia... Between because in order to restore trust and establish mutual friendship, it is necessary for Our State to unite with Us through bonds of friendship.
We have carefully read the apologies expressed in your letter received, and wishing to prove our affection, We have agreed that the payment of the two kuururs, which you undertook to pay us under the Treaty, be deferred for another five years..."
The belated request of Minister Plenipotentiary Alexander Griboyedov to soften and defer the payment of the remaining two kururs was finally satisfied, and then the debt was completely forgiven.
Having received through Prince Dolgorukov the highest letter from the Russian Emperor, consigning the tragic incident to oblivion and reconciling the two neighboring powers in the south, the heir to the throne Abbas Mirza hastened to answer: “...I am so pleased and consoled by the generosity of Your Majesty and your favor, I am so happy and exalted at the Court of the Persian State and other countries of the world, which I am unable to describe and explain... Your Majesty’s Highest Charter confirms that the Persian Government did not participate in the misfortune that happened to the former envoy, then I consider it my duty to give praise to God for that that the truth is revealed to the eyes of Your Majesty."
IMMORTALITY OF LOVEThe authorities came to terms with the loss of the genius, but the young widow remained inconsolable in her grief. Her first steps were aimed at erecting a proper monument on his grave, and on April 23, 1830, she addressed a letter to Thaddeus Bulgarin, asking him for advice, as a close friend of her late husband: “Until now, I could not do anything orders for the construction of a monument over the grave of the deceased, and at the same time there is no way to fulfill this in accordance with my desire," she explained the reason for her appeal. "I am sure that you will not leave this task to an artist who could depict the virtues of Alexander Sergeevich, his unfortunate the death and sorrow of his friends..."
She attached to the letter an architectural drawing of the proposed site where the mausoleum should be built.
Nina planned to invest 10 thousand rubles in banknotes for all costs, including delivery of the monument to Tiflis. A larger sum was required to dismantle the rock, build a mausoleum framed in granite, and a chapel above it.
For this purpose, she and her father went to St. Petersburg, and then stopped briefly in Moscow to discuss plans with the mother and sister of her late husband. Sculptural composition The tombstone was commissioned to be made by the then famous sculptor Demut-Malinovsky in St. Petersburg, and to be made in the workshop of the Italian Campioni, which was located in Moscow, near the Kuznetsky Bridge, on Neglinnaya.
Nina never succeeded in fully implementing her plan. In 1832, an anti-government conspiracy was revealed, in which Georgians who dreamed of the country's independence took part. Major General Alexander Chavchavadze was also included among them; in his youth he was exiled to Tambov as unreliable, but was soon forgiven and allowed to move to St. Petersburg. This time, the retired general and a poet recognized in Georgia, in whose circle there were also “conspirators,” was again sent into exile, but this time to the Kostroma province. The material difficulties that arose in this case forced Nina to turn to the Tiflis civil governor Niko Palavandishvili with a request for assistance from Exarch of Georgia Moses, who replaced Exarch Jonah: “Although I previously had the intention of renewing the entire Mtatsminda Church of St. David at my own expense, but as an assumption this is not was approved at one time by the spiritual authorities, then a significant change followed in the means available to me, and I not only erect a new church, but also completely correct the old one, I no longer have the opportunity.
Therefore, I am now forced to limit myself to the construction of only a monument over the ashes of my late husband, State Councilor Griboedov, for which I most humbly ask Your Excellency to ask me for the blessing of the Most Reverend Exarch of Georgia."
The answer turned out to be disappointing, about which Palavandishvili informed Nina Griboyedov: “Eminent Moses, Archbishop Exarch of Georgia, seeing from your feedback communicated to me, dear lady, that due to changed circumstances you are now forced to limit yourself to the construction of only a monument over the ashes of your late husband, the attitude of On February 27, No. 235 answered me that given the current situation of the dilapidated Mtatsminda church, it is not possible to build the proposed monument, so as not to completely destroy it with its weight.”
The clergy stood their ground. Nina was in despair. To top it all off, she received news from Moscow, from which it followed that the monument she had ordered was already on its way.
Then she again, having secured the support of the Tiflis governor, turned to the military authorities with a request to inspect the burial place of her husband and give an opinion on the stability of the foundation of the Church of St. David during the installation of the monument. She herself accompanied a Tiflis officer who was involved in the expansion of the Georgian Military Road and had extensive experience in this area. After examining the area and rocky soil, he gave an answer that satisfied the widow.
And finally, in June 1833, after the conclusion of specialist engineers that the installation of a monument on the grave did not threaten, as the clergy claimed, the destruction of the Mtatsminda church, the Exarch of Georgia gave his permission for its installation.
A pedestal made of black marble and a bronze statue of a weeping widow, clasping the cross with her hands, are still located above the grave of Alexander Griboyedov. “Your mind and deeds are immortal in Russian memory, but why did my love survive you?” reads the painfully touching inscription on the eastern edge of the pedestal, and on the western side - “To his unforgettable Nina.”
On June 13, 1857, Nina Griboyedova, writing in a letter to Nikolai Muravyov-Karsky, with whose wife she was brought up in Akhverdova’s house, thanked her for the gifts sent to her from Italy and at the same time reported on the departure of her sister Katenka from Tiflis to her home in Megrelia, where she also is getting ready soon, intending to stay with her in Zugdidi.
Fate decreed otherwise. The cholera that broke out in the Georgian capital not only disrupted all plans, but also ended her life.
For three days Nina was burning with fever, but even in her semi-delirium she did not let anyone near her, fearing for the people close to her. On the fourth day she was gone.
On July 4, the Kavkaz newspaper reported with regret: “Our Tiflis society suffered a significant loss. Last Friday, June 28, after a short illness, Nina Aleksandrovna Griboedova, nee Chavchavadze, died. The funeral service for her body took place last Sunday in the Kashveti St. George Church, at the confluence of "all those who respected the beautiful personality of the deceased, who was always the adornment of the best Tiflis salons and who was so early stolen by death from their circle. Her body was carried in her arms to the monastery of St. David and laid in the same crypt next to her husband."
Along Palace Street, past the building of the Russian governor, a mourning crowd slowly climbed the mountain. Neither the merciless epidemic, nor the hot July sun, nor the steep climb stopped those who came to say goodbye to this noble and beautiful woman, who remained devoted to her beloved husband until the end of her life.
Deeply experiencing the death of her sister, who did not live even 45 years, Ekaterina Dadiani then informed Nikolai Muravyov-Karsky in Rome, where the elderly general and friend of the Chavchavadze family was vacationing with his wife Sophia and children: “My dear and abundant sister Nina is no longer here. I have lost my angel ... In Tiflis, cholera stole her from me and thereby deprived me of my only friend.”
Having received the sad news, Muravyov-Karsky, deeply condoling the death of a person close to him, wrote a note at the end of his answer to Catherine: “I have never known a more meek and virtuous woman in my life than Nina Griboedova.”
An outstanding poet, a great Russian satirist, an astute politician, a brilliant diplomat - all this is Alexander Sergeevich Griboedov (1795 - 1829).
Russia will not forget his classic comedy “Woe from Wit” - it has entered our speech, our way of thinking, as an eternally necessary classic. But there is a second reason for Griboyedov’s immortality. He is a civil general who gave his life defending the honor of the Russian state. The death of Griboyedov is a heroic page in our history. This tragedy happened on January 30, 1829, in the Persian capital.
But let's start from the beginning. Before us is a classic, bright “child prodigy”; his extraordinary tenacity of mind manifested itself in him frighteningly early. It is not so important where and what he studied officially - at the Noble boarding school, and then at Moscow University. It was easy for him to foreign languages, and philosophy, and mathematics. Poet, musician, politician, warrior - in all his incarnations he showed himself clearly. By the age of fifteen he could safely be considered a man with a university education. Perhaps early scholarship also determined the essence of Griboyedov’s most famous creation, “Woe from Wit.” It was not easy for him to get rid of the feeling of his own superiority over everyone. It was not easy to adapt both to the service and to the colorful world of art. Alexander Sergeevich could be quarrelsome and harsh. By nature he is a sarcastic knight.
He took part in the War of 1812 - however, as fate would have it, in a supporting role, and then he kept dreaming of writing a tragedy about these heroic events. In the spring of 1816 he left military service without reaching high ranks. And in 1817, his brilliant diplomatic career began.
On July 16, 1818, Count Nesselrode notified in writing the Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Army, General Ermolova, that “the official Mazarovich is appointed Charge d’Affaires of Persia, Griboyedov is appointed secretary under him, and Amburger is appointed clerical employee.” Nesselrede loved brevity - but with this cursory mention the Caucasian chapter in the life of our hero began.
At that time, Griboyedov was torn between creativity and service, sometimes dreaming of “resigning from the diplomatic service and leaving a sad country, where instead of learning something, you forget what you know.” He did not like serving in a distant foreign country. But General Ermolov - the wisest of the wise - was imbued with deep respect for young talent, it was he - at that time - a powerful commander - who rescued Griboedov from Persia, making him his secretary “for foreign affairs”. Loving Griboyedov like a son, according to Denis Davydov, he tried not to burden him with everyday work. Georgia is not Persia; here Griboedov could breathe freely and write to his heart’s content.
The diplomat, who was gaining strength, did not forget about literary matters. Attempts to create an epic drama, a tragedy of Shakespearean proportions remained in sketches. The service distracted Griboedov from creativity, and the mania for perfection prevented him from working quickly. “Woe from Wit” is Griboyedov’s only major completed work. The caustic comedy was published in full in the official press several decades after Griboyedov’s death. But by that time it had changed the face of Russian literature, influenced our best writers, caused controversy... Dozens of witty remarks entered Russian speech and became popular. Pushkin also noted: “Half of the poems should be included in proverbs.” And so it happened. Social types were judged by Chatsky, Famusov and Molchalin. Griboedov's comedy is perfect. We don’t have a more polished poetic play. The comedy was considered unbearably free-thinking, although Griboedov clearly spoke from a patriotic position. He did not spare sarcasm either for Famusov or for Skalozub. The first attempt to stage “Woe from Wit” on stage was stopped by the capital’s Governor-General Miloradovich. But in the 1830s, comedy saw the stage in both capitals. This is a mysterious work that will be solved for centuries - and with benefit. A satirical comedy and psychological drama rolled into one, like a smile and suffering.
The comedy quickly gained fans, among whom, first of all, it is necessary to name Ivan Andreevich Krylov, Thaddeus Venediktovich Bulgarin, the tragedian Karatygin, actress Kolosova, literary friends Zhandra, Grech, Khmelnitsky. They supported Griboyedov and did not leave him ununderstood. In 1824, he decided to hand over the manuscript of “Grief” for the census to his friend and co-author (they jointly wrote, or rather translated from French, the comedy “Feigned Infidelity”), Andrei Andreevich Zhandre, the ruler of the office of the Military Accounting Expedition, close to secret societies...
December 1825 is another milestone in fate. In the testimony of the Decembrist S. Trubetskoy, the name of Griboyedov flashed - and he found himself under investigation. And then A.P. Ermolov took the young employee under his wing. The general benevolently prepared Griboedov for arrest, destroyed all his papers so that they would not fall into the hands of the investigative authorities and wrote to St. Petersburg: “I have the honor to convey Mr. Griboyedov to Your Excellency. He was arrested in such a way that he did not have the opportunity to destroy those who were with him.” "He had documents. But there was nothing like that with him, except for a few that I am sending you." He was under investigation until June 2, 1826, steadfastly denied his participation in the conspiracy and ultimately proved his non-involvement in the rebellion. Free! And again, “I’m happy to serve,” although “it’s sickening to be served.”
He was released from arrest with a “cleansing certificate” - and the diplomat again headed to Tiflis. General Ivan Fedorovich Paskevich, who replaced Yermolov, also highly appreciated Griboedov’s abilities and, if he sometimes chided him for his reckless courage, he did not hide his respect. During negotiations with the Persians, Paskevich fully relied on Griboyedov’s diplomatic foresight and openly admired him.
The primary political benefit of Griboyedov was the Turkmanchay Peace Treaty, which marked the victory over Persia, consolidated the territorial acquisitions of the Russian Empire, Russian hegemony in the Caspian Sea and in eastern trade. Contemporaries did not dispute the main role of Griboedov in the development and signing of this breakthrough document. General Paskevich gave Griboedov the honor of “presenting the treaty” to the emperor. Nikolai Pavlovich granted him the rank of state councilor, the Order of St. Anne, decorated with diamonds, and four thousand chervonets. Griboyedov received enthusiastic smiles, but was afraid of the court routine and behaved independently.
In Tiflis he was greeted with even greater pomp and was even called Griboedov-Persidsky. Paskevich gave a salute in his honor, as was done in St. Petersburg, when all the guns Peter and Paul Fortress fired 201 salvos simultaneously. Well, it was he, Griboedov, who brought the long-awaited and victorious Turkmanchay Treaty to Nicholas I.
It is not surprising that in Persia the same Turkmanchay Treaty was perceived as a national catastrophe. Russia entered into a war with Turkey - and the Persians hoped to evade the treaty by taking advantage of the confusing international situation. They did not even think of fulfilling many agreements, hoping that the Russian Tsar would not start a new war.
A noisy anti-Russian campaign has begun in the eastern country. Market speakers incited fanatical rage among the people, mixed with pseudo-religious yeast. And Griboyedov was just supposed to demand another part of the indemnity from the Iranians... He tried to smooth out the contradiction, called on St. Petersburg to accept silk or jewelry instead of money. But the emperor’s verdict was strict: the agreement should be strictly implemented. Later, this would give rise to evil tongues reproaching the emperor for deliberately destroying Griboyedov at the hands of the Persian crowd. It is unlikely that such an insidious plan actually existed, but it must be admitted that Nicholas put his diplomat in an obviously dead-end situation.
The Russian embassy was located not in the capital of Persia, but in Tabriz; in Tehran at the beginning of 1829, Griboyedov stayed temporarily - to introduce himself to the Shah. Of course, the experienced politician felt the nerves of the current situation. He asked his wife to leave Tevriz for a while and return to Georgia - and such a trip was arranged. Griboyedov wrote to his wife every day. “It’s as sad as possible without you. Now I truly feel what it means to love...” - this is the last message from her husband that she read.
Mujtehids (influential Islamic theologians) convinced the heated people that Griboedov was the culprit of the introduction of new taxes, an atheist, a conqueror... Hatred knew no bounds, the mujtehids aroused the spirit of fanaticism. Griboyedov was also accused of harboring Armenians. He actually hid several Armenians on the territory of the embassy in order to smuggle them to Russia. But he acted in accordance with the Turkmanchay Treaty! These hot Persians were ready to abandon their obligations.
Behind these furious protests stood Allayar Khan, a disgraced minister and an adventurist politician who was trying to regain his lost influence. For the Shah, these unrest were an unpleasant surprise, a trap from which he tried to extricate himself. The Shah tried to avoid a new war with Russia, but led precisely to war.
On January 30, 1829, the spiritual authorities declared that the Russians holy war. The crowd that had gathered at the mosque headed towards the Russian mission house. A bloody pogrom began. On that day, the entire staff of the embassy was destroyed in Tehran, only the senior secretary Maltsov, an unusually cautious man, survived. He offered salvation to Griboyedov too, all he had to do was hide, go underground... “A Russian nobleman doesn’t play hide and seek,” was the answer. He met his death proudly and bravely. He met the uninvited guests with a saber and demanded their obedience. After all, he was on Russian territory! The embassy guard - 35 Cossacks - met the attack with dignity. Dozens of angry fanatics remained on the pavement forever, but every single one of the Cossacks died. Alexander Sergeevich also died. Having been hit on the head with a stone, he fell. Immediately a hail of stones rained down on him, and sabers screamed over his body.
For the death of Griboyedov and the entire Russian mission, the Shah made an official apology to Emperor Nicholas, to which he added a unique diamond. The emperor considered it reasonable to be accommodating; he accepted the gift and deferred the payment of that same indemnity for five years. During the difficult days of the Russian-Turkish War, Nicholas did not want to spoil relations with the Persians. He also turned a blind eye to the opinion of Paskevich, who spoke of the fatal British influence on the Persian crowd. “I consign the ill-fated Tehran incident to eternal oblivion,” said the emperor.
It turned out that the pogromists and provocateurs achieved their goal...
The diamond, according to the Persians, was supposed to atone for the terrible guilt of the murderers of the Russian minister Griboyedov. The stone joined the royal collection, courtiers admired it, and foreign ambassadors asked highest resolution look at such a rarity. But in what carats can one express the damage inflicted on Russia by the brutal murder of one of its greatest creators?..,” says one of Griboyedov’s biographies.
He loved Mount Mtatsminda, towering above Tiflis. There, in the monastery of St. David, he bequeathed to bury himself. The Liturgy was performed by Exarch of Georgia Moses.
Nina Aleksandrovna Chavchavadze-Griboedova created one of the most memorable epitaphs in the world: “Your mind and deeds are immortal in Russian memory, but why did my love survive you?”
With the news of the death of Alexander Sergeevich, she became seriously ill. Premature birth and death of the child occurred. Nina Alexandrovna mourned for her beloved husband all her life sincerely and inconsolably.
There, in a dark grotto, is a mausoleum,
And - the modest gift of a widow -
The lamp shines in the semi-darkness,
For you to read
That inscription and let it be for you
I reminded myself -
Two sorrows: sorrow from love
And grief from mind -
He wrote about Nina, about “The Black Rose of Tiflis”, Yakov Polonsky.
The respectful memory of Griboyedov unites Russians, Georgians and Armenians. The Caucasian Christian peoples are grateful to him as their protector. He spent a long time in Tbilisi, even wrote a note “On the best ways to rebuild Tiflis.” He petitioned for the opening of the Tiflis Gazette newspaper and educational institutions. Griboyedov visited Armenia several times. As part of the army of General Paskevich, he participated in the liberation of Erivan, Sardarapat, Nakhichevan and was awarded the medal “For the Capture of Erivan.”
Today, Griboyedov is rarely and thoughtlessly remembered, although it seems that “Woe from Wit” has not been deleted from the school curriculum. His image, his ideas are not compatible with the attitudes of our time.
“The more enlightened a person is, the more useful he is to the Fatherland,” said Griboyedov. And I followed this program to the best of my ability. The society that has emerged in our country since the fall of 1991 can be reproached for many things, but not for its excessive desire for enlightenment. What is not there is not. Everywhere - not only in Russia - counter-enlightenment is winning, as if from abundance we have forgotten how to think and feel. It's hard to imagine Griboyedov in modern world. But his killers seemed to have stepped off the front pages of today’s or tomorrow’s newspapers – alive. Here, of course, we are not talking only about Islamic radicals. Great provocations and irresponsible manipulation of the worst instincts are in use everywhere. Everyone is “good.” Barbarians with iPhones “are blissful in the world.” The biography of Griboedov, a writer and politician who combined subtle intellect with military courage, is all the more instructive for us.