Mikhail Gorbachev - a short biography, when he came to power, how long Gorbachev was in power. Political achievements.

In what year did Gorbachev come to power?

Mikhail Gorbachev - Russian public and statesman who led the transition from the USSR to the Russian Federation.

Mikhail Gorbachev's regalia:

• General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (1985-91).
• Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1988-89).
• President of the USSR (1990-91).
• Founder of the Gorbachev Foundation.
• Co-founder of the New Daily Newspaper.
• Nobel Peace Prize laureate (1990).
• Author of the “Perestroika” reform and the policy of glasnost.

Mikhail Gorbachev, comes from a peasant family, called “the last Soviet president.” Until now, the years of this figure’s reign are famous for the anti-alcohol campaign and freedom of speech, taking shape in a single direction - the Gorbachev era.

Family of M. Gorbachev:

• Father, Sergei Gorbachev, Russian peasant.
• Mother, Maria Gorbacheva (Gopkalo), Ukrainian.

Mikhail Gorbachev began his movement towards power from 13 years old in periodical school, MTS and collective farm. From the age of 15 he already worked as an assistant combine operator, for which he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Labor for perseverance and work. At the age of 19, he became a candidate for the CPSU on recommendations from school. In 1950 graduated with a silver medal, passed the exams at Moscow State University and entered the Faculty of Law. In 1955 he was sent to the regional prosecutor's office of Stavropol. Since 1955, he was an assessor of the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Regional Committee of the Komsomol. Later - First Secretary of the Stavropol City Committee, and since 1958 - first secretary.

Personal life:

• At the start of his political career, he married a student at his university, the Faculty of Philosophy, Raisa Titarenko, which was no less decisive in the life of the First Secretary than all subsequent events.

From 1955 to 1962 he worked in the Stavropol Regional Committee, but later, having received a correspondence education at the Faculty of Economics of the Stavropol Agricultural Institute with a degree in agronomist-economist, he became seriously interested in the country’s agricultural policy. WITH 1978 worked as Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee on agriculture, and after a couple of children he became a member of the Politburo. A brilliant career and work activity brought Mikhail Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary.

In what year did Gorbachev come to power? March 11, 1985 became General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

The development of Gorbachev’s career did not stop at one high position - in 1990 he was elected President of the USSR. This unique position was the first and last in a series of Soviet figures, since it continued in 1991 Gorbachev's "perestroika", but not in the agricultural sector, but in the political course of the country.

In 1991, after the Bialowieza Accords, Mikhail Gorbachev left his post and resigned.

Achievements of Mikhail Gorbachev:

• Course for perestroika.
• Press Law (1990) and publicity.
• Abolition of censorship.
• Return of Andrei Sakharov from exile - academician.
• Company for the rehabilitation of victims of political repression.
• Preparation of an all-Union treaty to preserve the USSR, which only ended with a coup attempt on August 21, 1991.
• The establishment of the International Green Cross Mission in 1993, for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize 6 years later.
• Forum “St. Petersburg Dialogue” (2001-9)
• Several dozen books (from 1992 until the end of his life).
• Founder of the Raisa Maksimovna club in honor of the memory of his wife, who suffered from leukemia.

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One of the most popular Russian politicians in the West during the last decades of the twentieth century is Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev. The years of his reign greatly changed our country, as well as the situation in the world. This is one of the most controversial figures, according to public opinion. Gorbachev's perestroika causes ambiguous attitudes in our country. This politician is called both the gravedigger of the Soviet Union and the great reformer.

Biography of Gorbachev

Gorbachev's story begins in 1931, March 2. It was then that Mikhail Sergeevich was born. He was born in the Stavropol region, in the village of Privolnoye. He was born and raised in a peasant family. In 1948, he worked with his father on a combine harvester and received the Order of the Red Banner of Labor for his success in harvesting. Gorbachev graduated from school in 1950 with a silver medal. After this, he entered the Faculty of Law at Moscow University. Gorbachev later admitted that at that time he had a rather vague idea of ​​what law and jurisprudence were. However, he was impressed by the position of a prosecutor or judge.

During his student years, Gorbachev lived in a dormitory, at one time received an increased scholarship for Komsomol work and excellent studies, but nevertheless he barely made ends meet. He became a party member in 1952.

Once at a club, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev met Raisa Titarenko, a student at the Faculty of Philosophy. They got married in 1953, in September. Mikhail Sergeevich graduated from Moscow State University in 1955 and was sent to work in the USSR Prosecutor's Office on assignment. However, it was then that the government adopted a resolution according to which it was prohibited to employ law graduates in the central prosecutor's offices and judicial authorities. Khrushchev, as well as his associates, believed that one of the reasons for the repressions carried out in the 1930s was the dominance of inexperienced young judges and prosecutors in the authorities, ready to obey any instructions from the leadership. Thus, Mikhail Sergeevich, whose two grandfathers suffered from repression, became a victim of the fight against the cult of personality and its consequences.

At administrative work

Gorbachev returned to the Stavropol region and decided not to contact the prosecutor's office anymore. He got a job in the department of agitation and propaganda in the regional Komsomol - he became the deputy head of this department. The Komsomol and then the party career of Mikhail Sergeevich developed very successfully. Gorbachev's political activities bore fruit. He was appointed in 1961 as the first secretary of the local Komsomol regional committee. Gorbachev began party work the following year, and then, in 1966, became the first secretary of the Stavropol City Party Committee.

This is how the career of this politician gradually developed. Even then, the main drawback of this future reformer became apparent: Mikhail Sergeevich, accustomed to working selflessly, could not ensure that his orders were conscientiously carried out by his subordinates. This characteristic of Gorbachev, some believe, led to the collapse of the USSR.

Moscow

Gorbachev became Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee in November 1978. The recommendations of L.I. Brezhnev's closest associates - Andropov, Suslov and Chernenko - played a major role in this appointment. After 2 years, Mikhail Sergeevich becomes the youngest of all members of the Politburo. He wants to become the first person in the state and in the party in the near future. This could not even be prevented by the fact that Gorbachev essentially occupied a “penalty post” - the secretary in charge of agriculture. After all, this sector of the Soviet economy was the most disadvantaged. Mikhail Sergeevich still remained in this position after Brezhnev's death. But Andropov even then advised him to delve into all matters in order to be ready at any moment to take full responsibility. When Andropov died and Chernenko came to power for a short period, Mikhail Sergeevich became the second person in the party, as well as the most likely “heir” to this general secretary.

In Western political circles, Gorbachev's fame was first brought to him by his visit to Canada in May 1983. He went there for a week with the personal permission of Andropov, who was the general secretary at that time. Pierre Trudeau, the prime minister of this country, became the first major Western leader to receive Gorbachev personally and treat him with sympathy. Having met other Canadian politicians, Gorbachev gained a reputation in that country as an energetic and ambitious politician who stood in stark contrast to his elderly Politburo colleagues. He developed a significant interest in Western economic management and moral values, including democracy.

Gorbachev's Perestroika

The death of Chernenko opened the way to power for Gorbachev. The Plenum of the Central Committee on March 11, 1985 elected Gorbachev as General Secretary. In the same year, at the April plenum, Mikhail Sergeevich proclaimed a course to accelerate the country’s development and restructuring. These terms, which appeared under Andropov, did not immediately become widespread. This happened only after the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, which took place in February 1986. Gorbachev called glasnost one of the main conditions for the success of the upcoming reforms. The time of Gorbachev could not yet be called full-fledged freedom of speech. But it was possible, at least, to talk in the press about the shortcomings of society, without, however, affecting the foundations of the Soviet system and the members of the Politburo. However, already in 1987, in January, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev stated that there should be no zones closed to criticism in society.

Principles of foreign and domestic policy

The new Secretary General did not have a clear reform plan. Only the memory of Khrushchev's "thaw" remained with Gorbachev. In addition, he believed that the calls of leaders, if they were honest, and these calls themselves were correct, could reach ordinary executors within the framework of the party-state system that existed at that time and thereby change life for the better. Gorbachev was firmly convinced of this. The years of his reign were marked by the fact that throughout all 6 years he spoke about the need for united and energetic actions, about the need for everyone to act constructively.

He hoped that, as the leader of a socialist state, he could gain world authority based not on fear, but, above all, on reasonable policies and unwillingness to justify the country’s totalitarian past. Gorbachev, whose years in power are often referred to as “perestroika,” believed that new political thinking must triumph. It should include recognition of the priority of universal human values ​​over national and class values, the need to unite states and peoples to jointly solve the problems facing humanity.

Publicity policy

During Gorbachev's reign, general democratization began in our country. Political persecution stopped. The pressure of censorship has weakened. Many prominent people returned from exile and prison: Marchenko, Sakharov and others. The policy of glasnost, which was launched by the Soviet leadership, changed the spiritual life of the country's population. Interest in television, radio, and print media has increased. In 1986 alone, magazines and newspapers gained more than 14 million new readers. All of these are, of course, significant advantages of Gorbachev and the policies he pursues.

Mikhail Sergeevich’s slogan, under which he carried out all the reforms, was the following: “More democracy, more socialism.” However, his understanding of socialism gradually changed. Back in 1985, in April, Gorbachev said at the Politburo that when Khrushchev brought criticism of Stalin’s actions to incredible proportions, it only brought great damage to the country. Glasnost soon led to an even greater wave of anti-Stalinist criticism, which was undreamed of during the Thaw.

Anti-alcohol reform

The idea of ​​this reform was initially very positive. Gorbachev wanted to reduce the amount of alcohol consumed in the country per capita, as well as begin the fight against drunkenness. However, the campaign, as a result of overly radical actions, led to unexpected results. The reform itself and the further rejection of the state monopoly led to the fact that the bulk of income in this area went into the shadow sector. A lot of start-up capital in the 90s was made from “drunk” money by private owners. The treasury was rapidly emptying. As a result of this reform, many valuable vineyards were cut down, which led to the disappearance of entire industrial sectors in some republics (in particular, Georgia). The anti-alcohol reform also contributed to the growth of moonshine, substance abuse and drug addiction, and multi-billion dollar losses were incurred in the budget.

Gorbachev's reforms in foreign policy

In November 1985, Gorbachev met with Ronald Reagan, President of the United States. At it, both sides recognized the need to improve bilateral relations, as well as improve the overall international situation. Gorbachev's foreign policy led to the conclusion of the START treaties. Mikhail Sergeevich, with a statement dated January 15, 1986, put forward a number of major initiatives devoted to foreign policy issues. The complete elimination of chemical and nuclear weapons was to be carried out by the year 2000, and strict control was to be exercised during their destruction and storage. All of these are Gorbachev’s most important reforms.

Reasons for failure

In contrast to the course aimed at transparency, when it was enough just to order the weakening and then actually abolish censorship, his other initiatives (for example, the sensational anti-alcohol campaign) were combined with the propaganda of administrative coercion. Gorbachev, whose years of rule were marked by increasing freedom in all spheres, at the end of his reign, having become president, sought to rely, unlike his predecessors, not on the party apparatus, but on a team of assistants and the government. He leaned more and more towards the social democratic model. S.S. Shatalin said that he managed to turn the Secretary General into a convinced Menshevik. But Mikhail Sergeevich abandoned the dogmas of communism too slowly, only under the influence of the growth of anti-communist sentiment in society. Gorbachev, even during the events of 1991 (the August putsch), still expected to retain power and, returning from Foros (Crimea), where he had a state dacha, declared that he believed in the values ​​of socialism and would fight for them, leading the reformed Communist Party. It is obvious that he was never able to rebuild himself. Mikhail Sergeevich in many ways remained a party secretary, who was accustomed not only to privileges, but also to power independent of the people's will.

Merits of M. S. Gorbachev

Mikhail Sergeevich, in his last speech as the president of the country, took credit for the fact that the population of the state received freedom and became spiritually and politically liberated. Freedom of the press, free elections, a multi-party system, representative bodies of government, and religious freedoms have become real. Human rights were recognized as the highest principle. The movement towards a new multi-structured economy began, equality of forms of ownership was approved. Gorbachev finally ended the Cold War. During his reign, the militarization of the country and the arms race, which had crippled the economy, morality and public consciousness, were stopped.

The foreign policy of Gorbachev, who finally eliminated the Iron Curtain, ensured Mikhail Sergeevich respect throughout the world. The President of the USSR was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1990 for activities aimed at developing cooperation between countries.

At the same time, some indecisiveness of Mikhail Sergeevich, his desire to find a compromise that would suit both radicals and conservatives, led to the fact that transformations in the state’s economy never began. A political settlement of contradictions and interethnic hostility, which ultimately destroyed the country, was never achieved. History is unlikely to be able to answer the question of whether someone else could have preserved the USSR and the socialist system in Gorbachev’s place.

Conclusion

The subject of supreme power, as the ruler of the state, must have full rights. M. S. Gorbachev, the leader of the party, who concentrated state and party power in himself, without being popularly elected to this post, in this respect was significantly inferior in the eyes of the public to B. Yeltsin. The latter eventually became the President of Russia (1991). Gorbachev, as if compensating for this shortcoming during his reign, increased his power and tried to achieve various powers. However, he did not follow the laws and did not force others to do so. That is why Gorbachev’s characterization is so ambiguous. Politics is, first of all, the art of acting wisely.

Among the many accusations brought against Gorbachev, perhaps the most significant was the accusation of indecisiveness. However, if you compare the significant scale of the breakthrough he made and the short period of time he was in power, you can argue with this. In addition to all of the above, the Gorbachev era was marked by the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, the holding of the first competitive free elections in Russian history, and the elimination of the party's monopoly on power that existed before him. As a result of Gorbachev's reforms, the world has changed significantly. He will never be the same again. Without political will and courage, it is impossible to do this. Gorbachev can be viewed differently, but, of course, he is one of the largest figures in modern history.

The first president of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, said that he could not absolve himself of responsibility for the collapse of the Soviet Union. He announced this today at the Moscow School of Economics of Moscow State University, where the presentation of the book “Gorbachev in Life” took place.

“I cannot absolve myself of responsibility for anything. But first, if you read my books: for example, the book “The USSR Can Be Preserved”, it explains everything in detail, who did what and what they threw into this history,” this is how Gorbachev answered a question from one of the students about what he thinks whether he held himself responsible for the collapse of the USSR.

He noted that he resigned several times from the commission created by parliament, which he headed, “But after a while, either Yeltsin came with someone, then someone else: come back.”

Today, many experts confidently say that Mikhail Gorbachev is to blame for the collapse of the USSR. Even the politician himself says in some interviews that years later he regrets some of his decisions. But he considers perestroika, glasnost and all the changes that occurred in the country during his reign necessary.

True, the population of Russia does not think so. While Gorbachev was celebrating his 85th birthday at Radisson, a whole campaign against the former president began on the Internet. Citizens decided not to remain in the dark and also congratulated Gorbachev on the holiday.

Today many say that Mikhail Gorbachev is to blame for the collapse of the USSR. But despite everything, even after his resignation, Gorbachev tried several times to return to big politics. But each time these attempts ended in failure. Some experts even call him the main political loser of recent decades. In 2012 he was not accepted into the League of Voters. This organization advocates for fair elections. Also in 2012, he was expelled from the lists of the Right Cause party, and this despite the fact that Gorbachev was friends with its leader Mikhail Prokhorov.

Another attempt by Gorbachev to return to big politics in 1996 ended in complete failure.

Then seven politicians competed for the post of head of state, including Mikhail Gorbachev. He was counting on a triumphant return to the Kremlin, but he became a universal laughing stock. And all because less than one percent of Russians voted for him! Even the famous ophthalmologist Svyatoslav Fedorov, who participated in the same elections, managed to get ahead of Gorbachev in terms of the number of votes.

Foreign journalists in general are often perplexed: why do many Russians treat Gorbachev with indifference or hostility? But historians and political scientists say: there is nothing surprising in this, because Russia and the CIS countries have never experienced so many troubles as under the first and last president of the USSR. Comedians from among the people even made up a joke that the surname “Gorbachev” is spelled out as “Citizens, wait to rejoice, remember Brezhnev, Andropov, Chernenko”!

Mikhail Sergeevich was unable not only to speak, but also to carry out balanced reforms. Many people still remember the anti-alcohol campaign. Indeed, there was a need for it. The population was drinking themselves to death. According to statistics, just imagine, almost half of all deaths in the country were caused by alcohol. Gorbachev, who came to power in 1985, decided on tough reforms. Look, this is how the famous campaign in support of Prohibition began.

The measures turned out to be both drastic and ill-conceived. For example, Moldova - a small but very picturesque country - has always been famous for its luxurious vineyards. In the mid-1980s, almost half of its unique gardens were cut down. The same fate befell the winegrowing farms of Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, and Tajikistan. Local authorities, in order to please the center, destroyed plants with such fury that even after 30 years, the wine industry of these republics, already independent of the USSR, has not restored what was lost.

When wine disappeared from Soviet stores, people were forced to switch to vodka. The alcoholic drink quickly became a scarce commodity, for which kilometer-long queues lined up.

Due to the shortage of alcohol, people began to drink moonshine. And in general, they didn’t drink anything. We weren’t afraid to mix FB glue, varnishes, polishes, brake fluid, and colognes.

Of course, drinking such cocktails led to inevitable poisoning. But the Soviet state did not offer any other alternatives. Nevertheless, the demand for vodka, cognac and beer remained. That's why speculators got into the game. During the years of Prohibition, they made a fortune on people who did not want to be poisoned with glue or varnish.

Perestroika means not only queues for vodka, but also queues for food. Another failed Gorbachev reform literally emptied store shelves. On January 1, 1987, the government abolished the state foreign trade monopoly, which led to an unprecedented mass export of consumer goods abroad. Hundreds of organizations became exporters overnight. To make money, everything that could be sold for dollars was exported: meat, stewed meat, sausage, chocolate, equipment, medicines, even toilet paper did not reach the Soviet consumer, but was sent abroad. There was a shortage of everything in the country, and in order to buy anything, you had to wait in huge queues.

Surprisingly, not so long ago, United Nations experts published a special report that reported an interesting fact. It turns out that in the 80s the USSR produced more than 14 percent of all food products on earth. Some experts are sure: goods were exported from the USSR on purpose, and the shortage was created artificially. Because even goods that did not go abroad simply did not end up in stores, but were destroyed. Experts are sure that the top party tried to make money in this way...

According to historians and political scientists, it was under Gorbachev that the Soviet Union began to literally burst at the seams. It was then that rallies, protests, and interethnic conflicts began. The Caucasus and the Baltic states were the first to “blaze.”

In December 1986, protests took place in Almaty and Karaganda and became the first major protests against the appointment of ethnic Russians to leadership positions. More than 9 thousand Kazakhs took part in the rally. As a result of the clashes, according to various estimates, from 2 to 100 people were killed, and 1,700 young people were injured.

Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan

Experts also accuse Gorbachev of getting rid of strategically important weapons to please Western politicians. He did everything to please the Americans and Europeans.

On December 8, 1987, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev signed an agreement on the elimination of medium- and short-range missiles. This decision led to the fact that the USSR, considered one of the most powerful military powers in the world, found itself practically defenseless.

A huge number of expensive unique weapons were destroyed. Including the Pioneer and Temp-S missile systems, medium-range ballistic missiles R-12 and R-14. But, according to Gorbachev, the USSR was ready to do anything for the sake of humanism.

Descendants will make their verdict on the significance of the event that is taking place before our eyes. But I will venture to say that what we will do now - we will sign the first treaty on the elimination of nuclear weapons - has universal significance both from the point of view of world politics and from the point of view of humanism.

Here, you can look or remember how it was. American President Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev sign an open-ended Treaty...

The USSR military cannot forgive Gorbachev for the destruction of the Soviet Oka tactical missile system. The accuracy of the complex was fantastic. It completely hit targets at a distance of up to 400 km. At the request of the Americans, these vehicles were also on the list for destruction...

But now Gorbachev is not discouraged and does not regret anything. Now the politician is retired, but still leads an active life. Participates in numerous talk shows, appears in documentaries, writes books...

The personal factor, as world history shows, is sometimes decisive when choosing the path of development of a particular country. The idea that if someone other than Gorbachev had been the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee in March 1985 is still very widespread among the Russian population, the Soviet Union would not have collapsed, but would have overcome the crisis and would have successfully developed further. In this regard, the question of great interest among historians is: thanks to what circumstances did Gorbachev find himself in the highest position in the state? To what extent was the historical accident in this particular case a continuation of the historical pattern?

After the death of K.U. Chernenko, M.S. Gorbachev was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee in March 1985. Regarding this election, a number of historians expressed a common point of view about “an acute struggle in the Politburo, which divided its members into two opposing camps” (See: M. Geller. History of Russia. Seventh Secretary. M., 1996, Book 3, Page 11 -18).

The basis for this assumption, according to many historians, was the following remark by E.K. Ligachev at the 19th party conference in 1988 - “we must tell the whole truth: these were troubled days. There could be completely different solutions. There was such a real danger." In his memoirs, Ligachev continued to insist that “well knowing the situation developing in the upper echelon of power in the last months of Chernenko’s life, I believed and still believe that events could have gone according to a completely different scenario.” He reproached his opponents in this matter, who were trying to present a different version of events, in particular B.N. Yeltsin, for the fact that, due to their status, they could not know all the “events of the behind-the-scenes struggle” and were present only at the Plenum, when the question of Gorbachev’s appointment was already fundamentally decided in a narrow circle of the most influential members of the Politburo (See: Ligachev E.K. Warning. M., 1998, pp. 104-113).

As an alternative, the head of the Moscow city party organization V.V. Grishin was named. N.I. Ryzhkov believes that besides Gorbachev, “there could be no other decisions, no real danger existed!” At the same time, he recognized Ligachev’s great contribution to the election of Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary (See N.I. Ryzhkov, Ten Years of Great Upheavals. M., 1996, p. 75).

The memoirs of M.S. Gorbachev talk about a meeting “face to face” with one of the most influential members of the Politburo - USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs A.A. Gromyko, who headed the “old men” in this highest body of power. It was then, according to historian R. Pikhoya, that “mutual obligations” were given: Gromyko supported Gorbachev as a candidate for general secretary; After his victory, Gorbachev will offer Gromyko the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. On the eve of the plenum, a Politburo meeting was held, at which Gromyko’s speech in support of Gorbachev’s candidacy “became key to the entire course of the discussion” (See: History of public administration in Russia (X-XXI centuries): Reader. M., 2003, pp. 482- 490; Pihoya R.G. The Soviet Union: the history of power. 1945-1991. M., 1998, pp. 448-450). Yakovlev, who was a mediator in unpublicized negotiations between Gromyko and Gorbachev, writes about this in his memoirs: “I know that such a meeting took place. Judging by subsequent events, they agreed on everything” (See: Yakovlev A.N. Twilight. M., 2003, pp. 459-461).

A very unusual version of Gorbachev’s rise to the very top of power was expressed by Viktor Pribytkov, assistant to the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee K.U. Chernenko. In his opinion, it was Chernenko who “entrusted” Gorbachev with the second most important post in the party, it was under Chernenko that Gorbachev “continued” to make a successful career and “no one put obstacles in his way”, it was Chernenko, thanks to the art of apparatus work, who managed to transform a stronger , a young and energetic “competitor” into an “associate, assistant, colleague.” Based on the facts, Pribytkov expresses “suspicions” that Chernenko “disturbed someone so much” that they decided to “hurriedly remove him from the road.” After Chernenko tasted horse mackerel from the hands of USSR Interior Minister Fedorchuk while on vacation in Crimea in 1983, he became seriously ill and “miraculously pulled out.” Then, on the recommendation of Chazov and Gorbachev, Chernenko visited a high-mountain resort, after which his health “completely collapsed”, and died a few months later. According to Pribytkov, the “contender”, i.e. Gorbachev, “was consumed by impatience to have power, to take the reins of power immediately after Andropov” (See: Pribytkov V. Apparatus. St. Petersburg, 1995, pp. 11-17, 170).

Film by Leonid Mlechin: “How M. Gorbachev came to power.”

Gorbachev: An Accidental Revolutionary

August 17, 2001 | source: www.news.bbc.co.uk

For Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, this decade must have been difficult - a man who had accomplished a lot and strived to achieve even more, suddenly found himself thrown out of big politics.

Giving lectures, signing autographs and appearing in commercials, he was unable to influence the somewhat chaotic rule of his main rival Boris Yeltsin - a man whom Gorbachev does not like or respect.

He had a lot of time to think about what was done wrong during the period from the optimistic beginning of perestroika to the crisis and collapse of the USSR. Gorbachev's memoirs, published in 1995, are, among other things, an attempt to find those responsible.

Historians do the same thing, going through the events of the Gorbachev era bit by bit, collecting in detail and sometimes maliciously the mistakes of the first and only president of the USSR. Historians write about how he refused to organize democratic elections, recall that Gorbachev stubbornly ignored the threats posed by right-wing communist conservatives.

Basically, the chroniclers point to a peculiar paradox: the man who decided to revive the Soviet Union ultimately led it to its collapse. In general, the word “paradox” is used quite often in publications about Gorbachev.

Dmitry Volkogonov writes about a convinced communist who buried communism, about a Leninist who believes that Soviet power can be democratized, about a utopian respected in the West but not understood in his homeland, who, without meaning to, opened the floodgates to the wave that washed away the USSR .

It seems that Gorbachev's main delusion was the belief that he was capable of starting a revolution that could be kept under control with the help of the apparatus of the Soviet state. At the same time, he underestimated the power of the latent nationalism of the Soviet republics and how destructive the truth about the bloody past of the USSR, told to its citizens, could be.
In retrospect, Gorbachev should have thought twice before making such a drastic attempt to end Soviet totalitarianism. On the other hand, it was thanks to this achievement that he went down in history.

Gorbachev was not the only politician who underestimated the centrifugal forces dormant within the USSR. Thus, already in the summer of 1991, the then American President George H. W. Bush, in one of his speeches, persistently convinced Ukraine not to secede from the Soviet Union.

Until now, historians have largely speculated on Gorbachev's own strategy and tactics - his hesitation, his futile search for consensus, his failure to join forces with other reformers. Less attention is paid to the context in which he acted - in particular, the long process of decline of the USSR, in which its president played only one role, albeit the most prominent one.

From this point of view, it is extremely important that the Soviet Union, even before Gorbachev came to power, entered a steep economic dive. This explains the decision to withdraw Soviet troops from Eastern Europe and Afghanistan and stop the arms race. The country's population knew very well that Soviet consumer goods were inferior to Western and even Eastern European ones. The public gradually became convinced that the economic rivalry with the West was lost, and this led to a loss of faith in the Soviet political system.

National identity in the republics of the USSR also began to strengthen before Gorbachev took office. The local political elite also contributed to this.

The investigation into the crimes of the Stalinist regime also began long before Gorbachev, almost immediately after the death of the Generalissimo. Then, it is true, it was quickly closed, but over time, memories of terror faded, and the perestroika generation was no longer so easy to intimidate.

So, Gorbachev undoubtedly accelerated the decline of the Soviet Union, but even before he came to power, the country was in a difficult situation. Probably no one could have saved her.

BBC columnist Stephen Mulvey

Who if not Gorbachev?

Moskovsky Komsomolets No. 25298 dated March 11, 2010 | source: www.mk.ru

March 11, 1985 was a cloudy and dreary day. General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko died the day before, at 19.40. It seemed that only his family and immediate circle were sad. Oddly enough, on Old Square, where the Central Committee apparatus was located, there was high spirits.

At three o'clock in the afternoon the Politburo met in the Kremlin and identified a successor. And two hours later, at the Plenum of the Central Committee, a new General Secretary was elected. When the name of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev was heard, the hall burst into applause. The fate of the state was decided. And for a quarter of a century now, politicians and historians have been trying to understand what the election of Gorbachev was - an accident or a pattern?

Seven years earlier, on July 19, 1978, Fyodor Davydovich Kulakov, a member of the Politburo and Secretary of the Central Committee for Agriculture, was buried on Red Square. He was one of the youngest in the Politburo. In Moscow they whispered that Kulakov did not die a natural death, that he shot himself. Those who were especially suspicious assumed the worst.

At his wake, I realized: Kulakov was shot,” said the first secretary of the Krasnodar regional committee, Sergei Fedorovich Medunov, who knew Kulakov closely, confidently. “Someone saw him as a rival.”

There was no treacherous rival, no suicide. He was not a very healthy person. But when I sat down at the table, I couldn’t stop. And on the fateful night, he also had a big quarrel with his wife. Went to bed alone. They say that at night he “added” more, and his heart stopped.

Gorbachev’s ill-wishers assured that only Kulakov’s early death opened the way for him to the top. I would have stayed in Stavropol. In reality, they tried several times to transfer the young and promising party worker to Moscow. Andropov intended to take Mikhail Sergeevich to his place in the KGB as deputy chairman for personnel. Gorbachev had a chance to eventually head the State Security Committee. In that case, he would become an army general, not a General Secretary. There would have been no perestroika.

But things turned out differently. He became secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Why didn’t Andropov, already in the role of General Secretary, make him his successor?

“Not long before the Plenum of the Central Committee,” recalled Gorbachev’s assistant Arkady Ivanovich Volsky, “I came to his hospital with a draft report. Andropov added to the text: “Meetings of the Secretariat of the Central Committee should be chaired by Gorbachev.” The one who led the secretariat was considered the second person in the party.

According to Volsky, this was a kind of testament from Andropov. Could Gorbachev become his successor? No. The party apparatus lived by its own laws. Even Lenin's will was ignored. From the moment Andropov was placed in a hospital, from where he would never leave, all the levers of governing the country were in the hands of Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko. His rise to power after Andropov's death in 1984 was a foregone conclusion.

Defense Minister Dmitry Fedorovich Ustinov, the most influential member of the Politburo, had every chance to replace Chernenko. Gorbachev already told Ustinov:

Get on with it, Dmitry Fedorovich. We will support you in the post of Secretary General.

Ustinov was well over seventy, but he continued to work at a frantic pace. In the fall of 1984, joint military exercises took place on the territory of Czechoslovakia. After the maneuvers, the Soviet delegation stayed to take part in the celebration of the 40th anniversary of the Slovak National Uprising. The weather was bad, and the reception was held on the open terrace. To celebrate, the generals hugged and kissed. Then they came to the conclusion that someone had infected Ustinov with an infection, which was mistaken for a regular flu. The same illness struck the Minister of Defense of Czechoslovakia, General Dzur. The treatment had no effect. Ustinov died from increasing intoxication.

It is believed that Politburo member Viktor Vasilyevich Grishin, who led Moscow for 18 years, also applied for the post of General after Chernenko. But Grishin was liked only by a narrow circle of his close associates. And he was compromised by high-profile criminal trials.

KGB Chairman Andropov did not like Grishin. While Brezhnev was healthy, he kept his feelings to himself. When the time came to share power, Grishin turned out to be superfluous. The director of the Eliseevsky store was the first to be arrested, followed by other arrests. When the first secretary of the MGK went on vacation, the head of the Main Department of Trade of the Moscow City Executive Committee, Nikolai Tregubov, was arrested. They said that detectives were digging deep into the ground to find incriminating evidence on Grishin. Of course, no specific charges were brought against city leaders. But by March 11, 1985, Grishin was removed from the game.

When Chernenko passed away, one of the most influential members of the Politburo - the owner of Ukraine, Vladimir Vasilyevich Shcherbitsky - was in the United States at the head of the delegation of the Supreme Council. Gorbachev was elected in his absence. And if Shcherbitsky had flown to Moscow and arrived in time for the Politburo vote, would the result have been different?..

Shcherbitsky was Brezhnev's favorite. They said that Leonid Ilyich once told him:

After me, Volodya, you will become General.

But after Brezhnev’s death, Shcherbitsky had no allies in Moscow.

Did Gorbachev have other rivals? Before the appearance of Mikhail Sergeevich, the youngest member of the Politburo was Grigory Vasilyevich Romanov. He served as first secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee for 13 years. In 1972, Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti came to Moscow. The head of government, Kosygin, who received him, remarked: “Keep in mind that the main figure in the future political life of the USSR will be Romanov.” In 1976, Brezhnev told the leader of Poland, Edward Gierek, that he had identified Romanov as his successor.

Andropov made Romanov secretary of the Central Committee for military industry and a member of the Defense Council, where Gorbachev, even acting as second secretary of the Central Committee, had no entry. On the day of Chernenko’s death, Romanov was on vacation in Palanga. He returned to the capital when Gorbachev's election as general secretary was a foregone conclusion.

But Romanov had no chance in any case. The Leningrad intelligentsia despised Romanov. Arkady Raikin could not withstand the pressure of the Leningrad authorities and, together with his theater, was forced to move to Moscow. During the perestroika years, Daniil Granin wrote an ironic novel in which a short regional leader - everyone recognized Romanov - turns into a dwarf from constant lies.

In 1974, Grigory Vasilyevich married off his youngest daughter. The wedding took place at the dacha of the first secretary of the regional committee. But rumors spread throughout the country about the unprecedented pomp of the celebration; they said that, on Romanov’s orders, a unique table service was delivered from the Hermitage, and drunken guests broke the precious dishes. Romanov was convinced that this was the work of Western intelligence services. But there is another version: Moscow politicians ruined the reputation of a dangerous rival.

Chernenko, to his credit, did not try to push Gorbachev aside, as many would have done in his place. On the contrary, he supported him. Mikhail Sergeevich was able to become General only because Chernenko insisted that in his absence it was Gorbachev who led the meetings of the secretariat and the Politburo. Konstantin Ustinovich took another symbolic step: he moved him to the chair to his right, which was traditionally occupied by the second person in the party.

In the last two months of Chernenko’s life, Gorbachev was already leading the country. Still, in March 1985, he needed an ally from the old guard. This role was taken on by Foreign Minister Andrei Andreevich Gromyko. He was counting on a promotion - to the chair of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council - and bet on Gorbachev. Behind-the-scenes negotiations are said to have been conducted by three academics. Gorbachev was in no hurry to answer. I was afraid: was it a trap?

A few days before his death, Chernenko developed a twilight state. It became clear that his days were numbered. Gorbachev made it known that he highly values ​​Andrei Andreevich and is ready to cooperate. On the evening of March 10, 1985, Chernenko died. At the Politburo meeting, Gromyko took the floor - unexpectedly for everyone except Gorbachev. He said he couldn't imagine a better candidate. This turned out to be enough: it was not customary to argue in the Politburo.

Gorbachev's rise to power can be imagined as a chain of accidents. But, as Marxists say, an accident is a manifestation of a pattern. Gorbachev took a place on Olympus thanks to his political talents. And all his actions after his election were also natural. I remember that time very well. The sad, irritated state of society and the general thirst for change. I remember how even high-ranking party officials in their circle did not hesitate to curse the hardened system and pin their hopes on the young secretary general. Future fierce critics of Gorbachev also wanted changes. Of course, everyone's idea of ​​change was different - some were quite happy with the liberation of the positions of power from the old people who had been sitting in them for too long.

But in March 1985, even the best minds did not realize the scale of the catastrophe that had befallen the country, the depth of the hole from which they had to climb out. Many of the hopes that gripped society at that time will never become reality. Gorbachev will be required to answer for all failures. But wouldn’t it be more honest to lay the blame on his predecessors, who drove the country into a dead end for decades?..

Photo | Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev

German Chancellor Angela Merkel, center, and former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev cross the Bornholmer bridge in Berlin, Germany, Monday, Nov. 9, during the commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall on Nov.9, 1989. AP / Herbert Knosowski.
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German Chancellor Angela Merkel and former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev (L) walk across the bridge at Bornholmer Strasse on the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 2009 in Berlin, Germany. The leaders visited the bridge and the train station below because it was there that in 1989 that guards opened the first border crossing and allowed East Berliners to walk unimpeded into West Berlin. The city of Berlin is celebrating the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Wall, which led to the end of communist rule in East Germany and later on the reunification of East and West Germany, with a spectacular event at the Brandenburg Gate and the participation of international leaders. (November 8, 2009 - Photo by Sean Gallup/Getty Images Europe).