What is the sensor on Ramzan Kadyrov's finger for? What kind of device, meaning? Vladimir Putin and Muhammad al-Nahyan discussed US pressure on the guardianship of Ramzan Kadyrov's left finger.
According to the unanimous opinion of all the Ulama, wearing by men silver ring is allowed. Abdullah ibn Umar (radiyallahu anhu) said: “The Messenger of Allah (sallallahu alayhi wa sallam) purchased a silver ring. He wore this ring on his finger. This ring then passed to Abu Bakr, then to Umar, then to Osman. And during the time of Osman, this ring fell into the well of Eris. On this ring was written "Muhammadurrasulullah" ( Muslim, Libas, 54).
In another narration, Ibn Umar (radiyallahu anhu) said: “The Messenger of Allah (sallallahu alayhi wa sallam) acquired a gold ring. Then he threw it away. After this, he purchased a silver ring and ordered that “Muhammadurrasulullah” be engraved on it and said: “Let none of you put any other inscription on top of this.” When he put this ring on, he turned it with the stone towards the inside of his palm. And it was this ring that fell into the well of Eris" ( Muslim, Libas, 55).
At the same time, the Messenger of Allah (sallallahu alayhi wa sallam) used this ring as a seal. Anas ibn Malik (radiyallahu anhu) said: “The Messenger of Allah (sallallahu alayhi wa sallam) wanted to write letters calling on Islam to the rulers of Persia, Byzantium and Ethiopia. When they told him: “They do not accept letters without a seal,” he asked to make him a silver ring and engrave “Muhammadurrasulullah” on it. Muslim, Libas, 58).
The alims said that the ring of the Messenger of Allah (sallallahu alayhi wa sallam) was decorated with agate. Sometimes the Messenger of Allah (sallallahu alayhi wa sallam) wore this ring on the little finger of his right hand, and sometimes on the little finger of his left. And he turned the stone inward in his palm. Anas ibn Malik (may Allah be pleased with him) reports: “The Messenger of Allah put a ring on his right hand. The ring was decorated with a stone brought from Ethiopia. He turned the stone inward in his palm" ( Muslim, Libas, 62). In another narration, he, pointing to the little finger of his left hand, said: “The ring of the Messenger of Allah was here” ( Muslim, Libas, 63).
The Messenger of Allah (sallallaahu alayhi wa sallam) forbade wearing a ring on the middle and ring fingers. Ali (radiyallahu anhu) pointing on the middle and ring fingers, said: “The Messenger of Allah forbade me to wear a ring on this and that finger.”
Regarding the silver ring, the books of fiqh give the following explanation: men and women are allowed to wear silver rings. For sultans, qadas and other government officials, the use of the ring is sunnah, since the ring was previously used as a seal. It is also sunnah for the weight of the ring to be equal to one mithqal, and in accordance with the sunnah, the stone should be turned to the inside of the palm. However, women should not turn the ring over as it is a decoration for them. But for men, a ring is not a decoration. It is allowed for the ring to be decorated with agate or any precious stone, such as an emerald. You can engrave your own name or one of the names of Allah on the ring.
Gudermes, Russia - "I'll make them scream."
The President of Chechnya looks at the birds swimming in the dark water of an artificial lake built in his yard: black swans, pelicans, ducks. Ostriches roam along the opposite bank. His massive chest and powerful arms tremble from loud laughter. Then Ramzan Kadyrov stops. “Bring me a tiger!” he barks to his servants in camouflage, “bring bread!”
Two former militants drag a chained tiger down a muddy bank. The tiger resists, bares its fangs and hits the guards with its wide paws. They scream and hit the tiger on the head until the animal crouches to the ground. Meanwhile, Kadyrov throws pieces of bread into the water for his strange birds, brought here from all over the world. He wants to lure the birds closer to the shore so that the tiger will scare them. He still wants the birds to scream.
Partners
Kadyrov has been president of Chechnya for one year. He was appointed to this position by Russian President Vladimir Putin shortly after Kadyrov turned 30 and became legally eligible to hold the post. Kadyrov inherited his power from his father Akhmad Kadyrov. This Muslim mufti and separatist leader made an agreement with Moscow after a bloody war and became the Chechen president, but was later killed.
Ramzan Kadyrov continues the work of his father, who defected to Moscow and led Chechnya back under Russian rule. The young Kadyrov managed to suppress dissent, calm the breakaway republic and embark on a massive reconstruction campaign.
Kadyrov’s biography is cruel and Byzantine-like. The story of his life is the story of Chechnya, and it helps to take a closer look at this troubled “soft underbelly” of modern Russia.
Today, on the streets of Grozny, completely destroyed by the merciless hail of Russian shells and bombs, active construction is underway. They also contain a lot of evidence of flattery and sycophancy towards the young president. “God gave us Kadyrov!” - exclaims the taxi driver, driving his car along the roads of the capital.
Kadyrov's critics say he rules Chechnya using terror and violence, creating a new Soviet dictatorship. However, such critics are quite difficult to find because they have a habit of disappearing.
“When Ramzan Kadyrov came to power, fear appeared. This fear gradually penetrates into the hearts of people,” says Tatyana Kasatkina, executive director of the Russian human rights organization Memorial, which has been working in Chechnya for many years. “These are people who fought in the mountains ", these are militants, and their hands are up to their elbows in blood. Their law of honor is this: if you go against us or against Kadyrov, you will be destroyed."
When Kadyrov hears the words “human rights organization,” he smiles, puts a knife in his mouth and bites it.
He then says that all these stories are lies.
There are several topics that Kadyrov does not want to talk about. The first topic is war. When Chechnya fought the first of two wars for independence from Russia, Kadyrov and his father fought against the Russians. He shrugs and says he was "about 15, maybe 16" when he first led a militia. According to him, he had no childhood. And Kadyrov does not want to remember those times.
Another undesirable topic is the process of switching to Moscow's side. “I have always been with the people,” he says, “I don’t know who went over to which side, but I have always been with the people.”
He doesn’t want to talk about the death of his father in May 2004. Kadyrov was responsible for his safety, but on the day of his father’s death he was in Moscow. Someone placed an artillery shell with an explosive device directly under his seat at the sports stadium in Grozny.
Kadyrov preserves the memory of his father with due zeal. The barely restored capital is full of monuments to Akhmad Kadyrov, and many bear his words: “I have always been proud of my people.” This requires proof, but Akhmad Kadyrov is also credited with other, more famous words: “There are many times more Russians than Chechens, so each Chechen must kill 150 Russians.” But you won't see such a quote anywhere.
When Ramzan Kadyrov came to power, Moscow seemed to give him carte blanche to carry out restoration work and tighten the screws. Analysts say that this deal with the Kremlin is quite in the spirit of Goethe’s Faust: let Kadyrov do what he wants, as long as everything is calm in Chechnya.
Kadyrov has nothing but glowing praise for Putin. “He is my idol,” says the Chechen president, “Putin is magnificent.”
For all his smug demeanor, Kadyrov has become softer since coming to power. He previously told reporters: “I have already killed those who needed to be killed... I will kill as long as I live.”
When reminded of these words, he smiles and nods to acknowledge that he said such things. Is this still the case? Of course, he declares. But now he prefers not to use the word "kill".
“We used harsh methods to show what is right and what is wrong,” says Kadyrov, “against those who did not understand, we waged a tough and even brutal struggle.”
Several years have passed since the second Chechen war died down and escalated into scattered and sporadic militant attacks. But until now, between 3,500 and 5,000 Chechens are considered missing. Nobody knows how many people disappeared during the war, and how many of them disappeared during Kadyrov's rule.
Human rights activists say most of the people who have disappeared since the young president took power have been captured by his security forces. In the police, as well as in his personal security service, the main role is played by Kadyrov's former militants.
“We are looking for them. We are finding them,” says Kadyrov, “most of the missing people committed crimes on the territory of Chechnya and left the republic. Some went into the forest. Some died or died.”
The number of disappearances fell sharply as Kadyrov began to gain power and suppress dissent. Human rights activists talk about this. But they warn that statistics are now harder to collect because people have become fearful.
“There are a large, very large number of people who disappear for several hours or days, and then return home beaten and psychologically broken. Most of them never admit what happened to them,” says Natalya Esterimova, a Memorial employee from Grozny. “All this is hidden and hushed up.”
Kadyrov is married and has five children. The president has a wide variety of hobbies - from dangerous animals to fast cars and boxing.
He doesn't need a driver. He simply jumps behind the wheel of his Mercedes and sets off along the roads of Chechnya, accompanied by a long cortege of security guards who follow him in the same Mercedes with the same license plates and drivers similar to Kadyrov at the wheel. When he arrives at the scene, his guards quickly change numbers to mislead the possible killer.
On the slope of the mountain that towers above the presidential residence in the city of Gudermes, located east of Grozny, the inscription “There is no God but Allah” is written in huge Arabic letters. Kadyrov leads his guests from his massive stone house through a fragrant rose garden to his own zoo, where he shows them caged lions, leopards and pumas. He puts his hand through the fence, strokes and pats his pets, pulls them towards him and presses them against the bars. He jerks the lion's mane sharply.
When the beast begins to growl at him, Kadyrov growls back, baring his teeth and imitating a lion's expression. “This one is not friendly yet,” he says, looking intently into the eyes of the snarling panther, “but everyone has their own string. We find such a string and deal with it.”
He then leads the guests to the pond. As they step onto the bridge, made of ropes and planks, Kadyrov begins to swing the entire structure. Watching the guests sway and lose their balance, he begins to laugh sharply again. Then, so that people won't be embarrassed, he joyfully announces: "I did it on purpose!"
Later he sits down at a table on which there is beautiful black caviar, chocolate bars and fresh apricots. Kadyrov boasts of the military school he opened for personal protection, and then shows a documentary filmed by his men in which teenagers attack tanks and fight according to all the rules of martial arts.
“Look, look, these are the best shots,” he declares. On the screen, one cadet kicks his opponent hard in the head. All this happens against the backdrop of rhythmic music. "This is beauty!" - says Kadyrov. He admires Mike Tyson and his “iron fists.” Having met with the American boxer in Moscow, Kadyrov persuaded him to pay a visit to Grozny.
“People say that I paid him a lot of money. This is not true,” says Kadyrov, “he himself should have paid to be able to come here.”
“Kadyrov, you’ve only been president for a year, but the city has already risen from the ashes, and people are rejoicing,” reads a poster posted on Kadyrov Avenue. This avenue is located next to Kadyrov Square and the Akhmad Kadyrov Mosque.
This statement is partly true. Grozny is returning to normal life at a surprisingly fast pace. Two years ago there was only one traffic light. Today there are supermarkets, a small hotel next to a working airport, billiard halls, a cinema and restaurants. Two of them are called "Hollywood".
All this is the price Moscow pays for peace. “We get as much as we need,” says Kadyrov, “they destroyed everything, so why not pay? Our people are not to blame. They should have carried out targeted strikes, and not bombed everything. I always tell them this. I I demand. They are obliged to restore everything, and if this does not happen, I will resign."
Evening falls, and the quiet streets are filled with people walking among rose bushes, sitting on benches, and making their way between construction sites along roads dug up to lay pipes. But this is a construction project on human bones. Human remains are regularly found here and there. European human rights organizations are raising money for a laboratory to identify bodies, but so far there is no laboratory, no identification.
There are facades and there is reality. The facades are mostly new, usually covered with posters with Kadyrov's face. But as soon as a group of elderly women sees visitors appear in the courtyard of a newly built apartment building, they begin to shout: “There is no water here! There is nothing inside! There are not even doors!”
The women walk up the concrete stairs, and the smell of waste becomes stronger. They enter one of the apartments and begin to gesticulate in desperation. The concrete floors, bare of cracks, were poured in such a hurry that scraps of concrete stuck to the walls, and traces of the builders remained forever in the mortar. No running water, no sewerage, no toilets. Only a single light bulb hangs from the ceiling.
But when someone tells a woman named Zaira Dovletbayeva about thousands of missing people, her eyes widen and she looks back at the reporter sent by Kadyrov's press service.
“No,” she answers quietly and quickly, without taking her eyes off Kadyrov’s man, “there are no missing people.”
Today is graduation at the Kadyrov school. This secondary school opened its doors recently, and today it bears the name of the most famous clan in Chechnya. All 1,400 students are invited to the celebration. Russian rock music is blaring in the corridors, and girls and boys from graduating classes with red ribbons over their shoulders pose for photographers. The girls are wearing high-heeled shoes, makeup is generously applied to their faces, and large earrings are in their ears under their headscarves. Like everything else in Grozny, this school is very clean, and many things about it remind of Kadyrov. In the schoolyard, uneven from shell craters, scraps of bright burst balloons are scattered. There is a poster on the wall that reads: “He alone managed to save us all. A worthy son of a worthy father.”
The school principal is sitting in his office. Her table is littered with cakes, sweets and fresh fruit. She adores the president. According to her, he is not afraid to do the “dirty work.” “We ordinary people are very, very grateful to him,” she declares, “because he made our dreams come true.”
She recently took a group of her top graduates to meet the president.
“That day I realized that he was a real youth leader,” says the director, “I saw the children’s eyes, they were full of admiration. I then thought: they will do everything he tells them.”
Vienna murder
|
From the complaint of U. Israilov: |
[...] Novaya Gazeta turned to The New York Times for permission as the primary source of documentary facts about the fate of Umar Israilov and his father Sharpuddi Israilov. And got permission. We publish excerpts from their statements to the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation, as well as fragments of the Israilovs' Strasbourg complaints. ( Full documents are in the possession of The New York Times and posted on the website.)
Complaint to the European Court of Human Rights. Applicant - Umar Israilov. Fragments
“14.28. Ramzan Kadyrov also attended these interrogations in the gym and on the site behind the gym approximately three times a week. He also personally participated in the beatings in the gym and on the court behind the gym. As a rule, he would start by punching and kicking several times, and then his guards would continue beating the applicant.
14.29. One evening in May or perhaps early June, Kadyrov's officers took the applicant from his cell and took him to the gym. In the gym, Ramzan Kadyrov showed the applicant some kind of machine with a handle and said that he had just gotten it from somewhere and was going to test its effect on the applicant. Kadyrov's security guards sat the applicant on the seat of one of the exercise machines and connected one wire to his ear and the other to his little finger. After this, Kadyrov began to turn the handle on the machine and thus began to pass electric current through the applicant, causing terrible pain to the applicant in the head and arm. Kadyrov laughed at the applicant's reaction. He repeated this procedure several times, each time passing an electric current through the applicant. After some time, Kadyrov's guards took the applicant back to his cell.
14.51. While the applicant was imprisoned at the Tsentoroi base, and subsequently when he joined the SB, the applicant repeatedly witnessed Ramzan Kadyrov and other SB commanders torture and abuse prisoners and commit extrajudicial executions. Thus, all three militants who were already at the base in Tsentoroi when the applicant first got there were subsequently shot.
14.52. The applicant saw signs of injuries inflicted on Shamil Gerikhanov as a result of torture and abuse. One day, when the guards dragged Shamil into the cell where he and the applicant were being held, Gerikhanov was covered in blood. He told the applicant that the SB commander [The Security Service of President Akhmat Kadyrov, headed by Ramzan Kadyrov.] from Novogrozny raped him with a shovel handle and tried to force him to confess to the murder of 70 or 80 people in Tsotsin-Yurt and Geldagan.
14.53. Shortly after the applicant was forced to take a job with the SB in July 2003, the applicant found himself in the courtyard of the main base in Tsentoroi when Kadyrov summoned several of his subordinates (including SB commanders from Tsotsin-Yurt, Geldagan, Kurchaloy and Bachi-Yurt). He ordered his subordinates to take Gerikhanov away and kill him. Kadyrov also ordered commanders to dump his body on the outskirts of the village so that relatives could pick it up. The applicant saw Gerikhanov being loaded into a car and handcuffed. Later, the applicant heard Alvi Usmanov, a commander from Tsotsin-Yurt, tell how they first beat Gerikhanov, and then riddled him with bullets and threw him on the outskirts of Geldagan.”
Statement by Umar Israilov to the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation (fragments)
“I, Israilov Umar (Alikhan) Sharpuddievich, born in 1981, native of the village. Mesker-Yurt, Shali district of the Chechen Republic of the Russian Federation, now living abroad, became a victim of torture and various types of ill-treatment by employees and the head of the Security Service of the President of the Chechen Republic (SB).
<...>Me, Movladi and Aslan [The militants who were captured along with Umar Israilov on April 15, 2003.] They took me to one of the Security Service bases in the village of Tsentoroy, where all hell broke loose, especially when Ramzan Kadyrov arrived there.
<...>In Tsentoroi we were put in a so-called prison - two cells for prisoners at the SB base.<...>When they brought us, there were already five people there, and there were three of us - a total of eight prisoners, in two cells. I spent the next three months there, and there were different numbers of people in the cells, sometimes up to 30 people, and in the absence of windows there was absolutely nothing to breathe in there. During the three months that I spent there, I was never allowed to wash myself.
<...>All five people who were in the cells at the time of our arrival were in terrible condition - they had been brutally beaten. Three of them, as I later found out, were militants - Shamil Gerikhanov and Aidamir (Gushaev - Ed.) from Geldagen, and Umar Barkaev from Kurchaloy - and two more were “sympathizers”...
<...>On the first day, when we were brought to Tsentoroi, I saw Ramzan. He asked me if I knew him, I said “no”, he said: “How is this possible, I am Ramzan Kadyrov, the whole of Chechnya knows me.” I didn't know him then. He became terribly angry and shouted that he was “Kadyrov Ramzan, Akhmat’s son.” Akhmat Kadyrov was the president of Chechnya at that time. I said that I know Akhmat, but he doesn’t exist. He hit me in the face with his hand, just his palm, as if giving a command to the others. Then his guards started beating me, and he sat on the bed and watched the interrogation.
<...>On the second day of detention, I was taken to the gym located on the base. They tied me to a machine on which a barbell is placed, and they began to beat me. They asked about the militants, places where weapons were hidden... The interrogations and beatings were led mainly by a man nicknamed Jihad, one of the SB commanders, especially close to Ramzan Kadyrov - he asked questions and beat, and there was also a group of people who participated in beatings. Then, during the first interrogation, they beat me mainly with their feet and hands, and Jihad beat me with the handle of a pistol.
<...>Interrogations and beatings in the gym occurred every day during the first two weeks of imprisonment. We were taken to the gym one by one for interrogations.
<...>One night, about a month after our arrest<...>Ramzan, Adam Demilkhanov arrived (I didn’t know him then, but he seemed to introduce himself) and also a commander from Novogrozny named Ruslan, a relative of Kadyrov (he looked about 35-36 years old; Ramzan called him Ruslan, and later I heard that he was Ramzan's cousin). The three of them interrogated us, and their guards remained at a distance. They then began to interrogate Aidamir. Ramzan always asked him about some big money. Aidamir always said that he knew nothing, and Ramzan beat him, and Adam, and Ruslan too. I stood nearby. They mostly beat with their hands and feet, and Adam had an even larger stick with which he beat - the handle of a shovel. Then Ramzan took out a pistol - I think he took it from Adam - and began shooting at Aidamir’s feet. He said that he would shoot him now and asked if he wanted to die. Aidamir, of course, said that he didn’t want to. Then Ramzan ordered the guards to take Aidamir to the cell. He was taken away and it was my turn. Ramzan started shooting at my feet and said that he would shoot me in the leg. He shot very close, and I pressed my fingers to avoid getting hit. Then he said: “I’ll shoot you in the head now.” I replied: “Well, you have a weapon, and I’m a prisoner, there’s nothing I can do about it.” Then he shot at his feet a little more, three times. He didn’t ask me anything, he just mocked me. The pistol was a Stechkin, twenty-round, I don’t remember exactly how many times it fired. He didn’t change the clip; he probably shot at each of us five or six times. He was not standing very close, but he took aim, and the bullets hit very close - right next to his feet. There was no asphalt there then, there was just gravel, so bullets didn’t ricochet. I just stood and watched - I could not do anything, although my hands were not tied.
<...>FSB officers also came to the base in Tsentoroi quite often - two Dagestanis whom I saw on the first day, and another Russian colonel, an elderly man. They met with Kadyrov and talked. But this colonel never interrogated anyone or beat anyone. He stayed at the base for two weeks, living in the officers' room. He, of course, knew about the cameras, and in the yard, of course, you could hear people being beaten and interrogated. I realized this only later, when I worked there myself.
<...>After the first two weeks of imprisonment, the interrogations basically stopped, but various SB officers and Kadyrov’s associates periodically came to the cells and beat me and other prisoners. In particular, Adam Delimkhanov, the commander of the Neftepolk, came there and beat up prisoners (I later found out that it was him); Alvi, SB commander from Tsotsin-Yurt (in the photo in the bottom row, the leftmost one when looking at the photo), “Jihad”, as well as Ramzan Kadyrov’s brother, Zelimkhan (now deceased). Zelimkhan did not have an official position, but had constant access to the base. He was a drug addict and usually arrived in a state of drug intoxication. He took everyone out of the cells into the corridor, lined them up and hit everyone in the face. He wore a large ring on his hand and before hitting, he turned it inward with the stone.
<...>One day, it was about two weeks after I was brought to Tsentoroi, my cellmates and I were drinking tea in the corridor in front of the cells. Suddenly several people whom I had never seen before came and herded all the prisoners except me back into their cells. Then they started beating me with rifle butts and other objects. I don't know why they chose me. After they beat me, several of them grabbed me and held me tightly. At this time, others lifted the legs of my pants and began to poke me with a hot metal rod. It was a ramrod, approximately 30-35 cm long and as thick as a little finger. The rod was not particularly sharp, but it was hot, and it caused severe pain.
<...>Another time, one of the guards, Pakhruddi, Ramzan Kadyrov’s cousin, came into my cell. At that moment I was sitting and eating porridge. He started hitting me on the head, and when I stood up, he took out a gun and shot me in the leg. I managed to remove my leg, but the bullet ricocheted several times and hit me in the lip area - I still got off lightly. This man then called a doctor, and the doctor, right on the spot, without anesthesia, began to sew up my lip - the wound was deep.
<...>Traces of torture with a hot ramrod and a scar on my lip are still preserved and were recorded by a medical examination carried out after my arrival abroad.
<...>Aidamir (Gushaev - Ed.) was shot while I was still in custody in Tsentoroi. Aidamir was detained outside Chechnya, in Kabardino-Balkaria, and was first taken to the Grozny RUBOP (district department for combating organized crime). Aidamir told me that Kadyrov then paid the RUBOP to transport him to Tsentoroi. Aidamir was kept there for two months. He was also often interrogated, mainly by Ramzan himself, and they kept asking about some money. Ramzan apparently had information that Aidamir had money - it seemed that he was responsible for finances and through him money went to various jamaats - it seems from Baku, from some Khozhi (Khozh-Akhmet). Aidamir was shot about two months after my arrest. This happened on the set, I was in the cell at that moment. It was in the evening. Ramzan interrogated him - I recognized his voice. He asked Aidamir about the money, and Aidamir also admitted that he led the operation to eliminate Raibek (I don’t remember his last name) - it seems, the commandant of the Vvedensky district. I heard Aidamir talk about this - Ramzan asked him about the details. Only Ramzan interrogated; no one else asked any questions. And when it came to money, Aidamir refused, saying that he didn’t know about any money. He then addressed Kadyrov by name and said: “Ramzan, I don’t have any money, I don’t know what kind of money we’re talking about.” And Ramzan called Aidamir by some nickname that Ramzan came up with for him - in Chechen, I don’t remember exactly what word, something humiliating. (And everyone called Ramzan by his first name or also by the nickname Dostum - in honor of some Afghan general.) Ramzan then began to shout at him - shouted that he would kill him if Aidamir did not tell where the money was, and then a shot rang out, and then another a lot of shots. Then Ramzan ordered him to be taken to the “cemetery” - well, not a cemetery, but where people were buried who were not given to their relatives, in Chechen it was called “Gazavat”.
<...>I will cite two more cases of Ramzan Kadyrov’s direct participation in interrogations and beatings of prisoners, of which I was a direct witness.
One day, soon after I began serving in the Security Service, a young man was brought to Tsentoroi, I think his name was Uveis, from the village of Noibera. Kadyrov began to interrogate him in the front yard under a canopy - at first Ramzan Kadyrov did not beat him, he simply asked why he allowed the militants to spend the night with him. The young man denied everything, and then Ramzan began to beat him - with the handle of a pistol and then with a stick. This lasted about forty minutes, but Uweis did not admit to anything, and he was sent to a cell. At that time, I was constantly on the base, since I was not allowed to move freely outside it - so I witnessed this incident.
Soon, Ramzan Kadyrov’s brother Zelimkhan arrived at the base. He ordered to bring this detainee and, saying that this young man was a famous “shaitan” (militant), began to beat him on the site behind the gym. There were other security officers there, and I was just nearby, since at that moment I lived on the base and was almost constantly there. Then Zelimkhan ordered one of the people to shoot at the detainee, and he began firing a pistol at his feet. Soon Zelimkhan took out his pistol and also began to shoot, and others present joined him. They eventually shot and killed the detainee. Kadyrov himself was in the front yard at that moment, but came when he heard shooting. He asked what happened, and Zelimkhan proudly told him that he had shot the “famous shaitan.” Kadyrov smiled in response, as if this was in the order of things, and left.
Another detainee from the same village, Noybery, was a seventy-year-old man. Kadyrov also interrogated him in the front yard under a canopy, accusing him of harboring Aslan Maskhadov in his house. The old man replied that, according to Chechen laws, he could not refuse to let a person asking for help into the house. Then they began to beat him brutally; Kadyrov laughed and also beat this old man. This happened before my eyes - in Russian it is called sadism; he's just a real sadist, he likes to mock and beat people. I heard that then, a week later, this old man was released.
As for me, I don’t know why I was kept in prison for so long - at first Ramzan Kadyrov, when he beat me, said that I would not get out of there alive, and then he simply stopped paying attention to me.
<...>After three months, Kadyrov called me - there was a large meeting there - and ordered one of the guards to take me to the bathhouse. He expressed himself in such a way that it was unclear whether he ordered to kill, or actually sent him to wash (in Chechen, as in Russian, there is a play on words “wash him - soak him”).
When the guard handcuffed me and put me in the UAZ, I was sure that he was taking me to kill me; I even thought about how to escape along the road. But he actually took me to a bathhouse in the center of the village, took off the handcuffs, told me to go wash, and gave me clean clothes.
When we returned to the base, I was given a military uniform and enrolled in the Security Service.
<...>I hated Kadyrov, but I was also afraid of him, and I had to pretend that I treated him with respect and love, and, in my opinion, everyone else felt the same way. I didn’t want to work for this beast - I saw all the chaos that he creates with people. I just had to pretend that I respect him - I had no other choice. During my service with Kadyrov, I learned a lot about the structure and methods of work of the Security Council.
There were three bases of Kadyrov’s men in Tsentoroi - one in the center of the village, whose tasks included guarding Kadyrov’s own house, and two more on the outskirts. I served at one of these outlying bases, the one closer to the village of Alleroy - it was the base where I myself had previously been imprisoned. All detainees were brought to this base; My father later sat there too. At this base there was the very gym in which interrogations and torture took place. In addition, Security Service officers in Tsentoroi served at posts and patrols guarding the entrances to the village and to the bases themselves.
Many SB commanders had houses in Tsentoroi. Kadyrov himself always spent the night in Tsentoroi, and during the day he mostly worked in Gudermes, at the so-called Ramzan boxing club. In addition, he regularly came to the base where I served, and when any known militants were brought there, he came every day, beat them and interrogated them - it was only a 5-7 minute drive from his house in Tsentoroi.
The people closest to Ramzan were members of his personal security, as well as those commanders who worked at the base where the gym was located. Kadyrov’s personal security was on duty in shifts of 12-13 people. The commander of the personal guard was a man named Kata, nicknamed Patriot. Another commander, nicknamed Mongol, also known as Jihad, led the commanders of the rural security forces and had very broad powers.
Every week in Gudermes, Ramzan Kadyrov held meetings, which were attended by commanders of regional (rural and urban) security forces, as well as representatives of other security agencies.
Adam Delimkhanov also always took part in the meetings - when I served, he was already the commander of the Oil Regiment and the commander of the Security Service in Dzhalka; he was on close friendly terms with Ramzan Kadyrov and was also said to be his relative. Its structure was completely subordinate to Kadyrov (although formally it was a police unit), and Delimkhanov often provided his employees to participate in operations on Kadyrov’s orders. Delimkhanov’s structure also detained people, mainly in Grozny, and he reported on their operations at meetings in Gudermes.
Delimkhanov also regularly, once every two or three days, came to Kadyrov in Tsentoroi - I saw him bring bags in which, as they said, there was money, which he handed over to Kadyrov. This was proceeds from the illegal sale of petroleum products - they were produced at oil plants where Delimkhanov’s employees worked. We had such an oil refinery in our village, in Mesker-Yurt - oil from there went officially, through the Nadterechny region, to Russia, and in addition it was sold illegally, and the money was transferred to Ramzan Kadyrov.
Some of the SB commanders I met while serving under Kadyrov are shown in the photograph attached to my application. I have the following information about the people represented in the photograph (see photo - Editor's note).
<...>At meetings in Gudermes, Kadyrov gave instructions to commanders - for example, “this week you must catch at least one person and carry out the “work.” And the commanders reported on the work done. Everyone tried to follow orders, and Ramzan often fired and changed commanders if they performed poorly. There was no special strategy - they simply caught several people at a time, tortured them, sometimes achieved something, sometimes not. No orders or decisions were written down, but Kadyrov remembered all his orders - he has an excellent memory.
In general, local commanders had to report to Kadyrov about all ongoing operations - before the operation, or, if this was impossible, then report after. For example, when I worked as the commander of the Security Service in Mesker-Yurt, I called Kadyrov; Either Ramzan himself or Patriot answered the phone. If Patriot answered the phone, I said that I was going to carry out such and such an operation, and he passed the phone to Ramzan, and he already made a decision whether to carry out the operation or not. Usually he ordered operations and only asked if additional forces were needed. There were no reports on paper.
Sometimes more detailed plans were discussed at meetings in Gudermes, especially when it came to large-scale operations. For example, in February 2004, plans for cleansing in the village of Benoy were discussed - then Kadyrov sent all the police, private security and other structures there. During these purges, they came across Magomed Khambiev, a famous field commander and close associate of Aslan Maskhadov. They tried to detain Khambiev, but he managed to escape - then Kadyrov decided to detain his relatives.
<...>Kadyrov always led such operations personally. During the detention of Khambiev’s relatives, I worked as Kadyrov’s security guard, took a direct part in the operation and heard Kadyrov give an order over the radio to detain “all relatives.” In Benoy, Kadyrov was at a temporary base in the house of one of his commanders, Musa, and from there he directed the operation by radio. Adam Delimkhanov’s regiment also took part in this operation. We detained Khambiev’s relatives and took them to Tsentoroi. There they were kept and tortured, and then, according to rumors, the elders persuaded Khambiev to surrender, and he came to Kadyrov in Tsentoroi...
In the spring of 2004, Kadyrov appointed me commander of the Security Service in my home village, Mesker-Yurt. Basically, all the guys who worked with me in Mesker-Yurt were former militants, and almost all of them were from Mesker-Yurt, local. They either got into the SB the same way I did, or voluntarily announced their decision to move to the SB.
This was usually done through local SB commanders, who then came with the militants to Kadyrov and negotiated their surrender and entry into service. After this, the militants, as a rule, spent several months at the base in Tsentoroi and then began service - no special training was carried out. However, this did not go smoothly for all former militants - there were cases when those who came to surrender were shot or imprisoned.
I myself, after Kadyrov hired me, was at first afraid to drive through checkpoints and asked Kadyrov to grant me an amnesty. He sent me to Shali, our regional center, where the FSB interrogated me and gave me an amnesty document, telling me to present it at the checkpoints so that there would be no problems.
In general, the Security Council was simply a structure for the legalization of militants. There were no structures that would deal with administrative issues there. The commanders (including me) received their salaries at the headquarters in Gudermes and then distributed them to their subordinates - the salary was low, at that time we received 3,000 rubles ($100) per month.
During my work, I did not detain any of the real militants: as a formality, I detained people for drugs and similar crimes and then released them.
I, like many others, had a car without license plates - Kadyrov gave it to me when he sent me as a commander to Mesker-Yurt. Then, later, he ordered to put up numbers - I just pasted on some fake numbers. At first everyone wore masks during the operation, then there was an order not to wear masks - this was broadcast on TV and they even said that those wearing masks would be shot without warning. I don’t know of such cases, but they stopped wearing masks, as far as I know.
Those detained during the operations were taken to different places - to the bases of the Security Service, and subsequently to the police patrol service (PPSM-2) in Grozny, Argun and other places.
<...>Kadyrov himself knew very well how detainees were treated. There were no laws there; at meetings in Gudermes the law was never discussed; they laughed when they were told about the law. Even when Alu Alkhanov (the current President of Chechnya), he was still a minister at that time, spoke at a parade in Gudermes (the Security Service, police and riot police were present there) and spoke about the need to comply with the laws, people from the Security Service simply laughed at his speech.
<...>Before PPSM-2 was organized in the summer of 2004, no written documentation was kept at all - neither about arrests nor about other operations. Then, when we began serving in PPSM-2, we were already required to draw up reports, like ordinary police officers - for example, how many cars were checked at the post.
<...>I moved to PPSM-2 shortly after the formation of this structure. I was then the commander in Mesker-Yurt. Kadyrov called me and many other commanders and said that all Kadyrovites should transfer to this police regiment. It was necessary to collect all the papers necessary to work in the police - I then bought a diploma from one person, and they gave me the rank of police sergeant. That's what everyone did.
<...>During my service in Mesker-Yurt, I continued to maintain contacts with the commander of the jamaat, Rezvan Osmayev. Osmayev constantly needed new people. After I had an accident, Osmayev and I went to Grozny in order to meet with another of our fellow villagers, Badruddi, who is serving in the Security Service, and offer him cooperation. Badruddi, however, refused to cooperate, and, apparently, reported to his command that I was in contact with Osmayev. Rezvan told me that Badruddi had betrayed me and advised me to either go to the mountains or leave...
In the fall of 2004, I first went with my wife to a sanatorium in Kislovodsk and immediately after returning from there I left for Nazran, and then, through Moscow, to Poland, where I asked for political asylum. However, the procedure for granting refugee status in Poland was delayed, and, in addition, it was unsafe in Poland.
<...>Kadyrov called my mobile phone, but did not recognize me, but I recognized him immediately. He began to tell me to tell Alikhan (he knew me by this name) that he had captured his father and his wife’s sister and would capture all his relatives and his entire teip, and would kill them all if Alikhan did not return. I then told him that I was Alikhan and that he should do whatever he wanted with his relatives, but I still wouldn’t return.”
Fate of the document
Umar Israilov filed a complaint with the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation on October 26, 2006. She was sent to the Shalinsky district prosecutor's office, which five times issued a decision refusing to initiate a criminal case. The last time the Chechen prosecutor's office canceled this decision and returned the complaint materials for additional verification was on July 26, 2007. In July 2008, Umar Israilov’s complaint was again submitted to the Shali prosecutor’s office for verification. Since then, nothing has been known about the fate of this complaint.
Statement by Israilov Sharpuddi to the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation (fragments)
“I, Sharpuddi Elfirovich (Ali) Israilov, born in 1956, became a victim of long-term illegal detention (from November 2004 to October 2005), torture and various types of ill-treatment by security officers of the President of the Chechen Republic ( SB) and the Anti-Terrorist Center of the Chechen Republic (ATC). On the day of my arrest, SB officers conducted an illegal search in my apartment, during which they illegally confiscated a large amount of money.
November 27, 2004, two weeks after Umar’s arrival in Poland<...>a worker came to me and said that armed people in military uniform were looking for me. I approached the gate where they were because they were not allowed to enter the territory of the repair battalion. There was a “nine” passenger car parked at the entrance. Standing near the gate was Said-Emin Ismailov (name according to his passport - Sergey Ismailov), known under the nickname Scout. He told me that Ramzan Kadyrov sent him for me. Said-Emin was a former colleague of my son and sometimes came to my home with him. As I understand it, he now works as the head of the criminal investigation department in the city of Shali.
When I got into Ismailov’s car, my wife was already sitting there<...>
<...>Then, in a convoy of six cars, my wife and I were taken to Tsentoroi to the main SB base<...>
<...>On the base<...>I was severely beaten. Eight people were beating, from both sides at the same time. I could identify two or three of them now. They beat me with a butt and a stick on my stomach, knees and other bones and kicked me all over my body, and the beatings only stopped when I lost consciousness. They wanted to know where Umar was<...>
<...>About half an hour later, an employee came in and said that Umar was in Poland. After that, they beat me some more, and then one of them ordered to bring some kind of machine, which turned out to be an electric generator and looked like a telephone with a handle. They tied wires to my second (next to my big toes) toes (I was barefoot and my feet were tied) and turned on the current for 2-3 minutes each time. It was like a nightmare! They increased the current gradually, turning the handle faster, and I felt as if I was being lifted off the floor. I was thrown to the floor by the current, and the wire that tied my legs tore my skin. As a result, I developed deep wounds that subsequently began to rot.
In total, I was beaten and interrogated for more than an hour. After the electric shock, they dragged me to a corner of the gym and chained me with one hand to a radiator pipe and removed the wire from my legs. I was all wet, and blood was coming out of my mouth, down my face and down my legs. After that they left me alone, they only came with food and sometimes let me go to the toilet.
<...>On the first day, there were six more people chained to the gym. I knew one of the detainees: it was my fellow villager Supyan Ekiev, who, like my son, was the commander of the Kadyrovites in Mesker-Yurt. I was tied to the simulator on which Ekiev was suspended. Ekiev stood up for me and asked them to stop beating me, since I was innocent. As a result, they attacked him and said that he was no one to point out who was to blame.
Ekiev himself was in terrible condition. He got there a day before me, and, as I understand it, he was detained when Kadyrov ordered him to come to the base. He had large burns on his arms and legs and his jaw was broken. He couldn't eat, only drink through a funnel. I realized that he was no longer alive in this world. Next to him was another Kadyrovite, nicknamed Yeger, from Shali, chained to the right of Ekiev to a pipe running across the entire gym. I saw how Ekiev and Yeger were interrogated about the murder of another SB officer in Germenchuk. They were severely tortured in an attempt to force them to confess, but they denied any involvement. Then, in Gudermes, one of the SB officers told me that Ekiev and Yeger were shot and that he personally took Ekiev’s body to Mesker-Yurt to his relatives.
<...>That same night, Ramzan Kadyrov personally appeared at the gym around 11 pm. That was the only time I saw him there. He was in civilian clothes: a colored jacket and sweatpants.
I immediately recognized Ramzan Kadyrov, since he is a public figure. At that moment he was deputy chairman of the Chechen government and was often shown in the media. We can say that any resident of Chechnya is familiar with his appearance.
The photograph of Kadyrov with his entourage also shows a man nicknamed Jihad, who was the head of the base in Tsentoroi. I also saw him earlier on television surrounded by Ramzan Kadyrov. In the photo he is standing next to Kadyrov, on the right, if you look at the photo.
Kadyrov entered the gym with another man - he was about 35 years old and was dressed in a formal suit with a medal on his jacket. He was strong, silent and short, like Kadyrov. All the people in the room were handcuffed to pipes or exercise machines and were in different positions. Asking about everyone’s case, Kadyrov hit some with his fist, and kicked others with his foot or something else. He laughed and said “shaitan (militant).”<...>Kadyrov ordered an electric generator to be brought, which was connected to the detainees, and Kadyrov had fun. He just didn’t come up to me for some reason; I was lying in the corner. Ekiev was also connected to the machine, and Kadyrov mocked him.
<...>The number of detainees changed every day. Kadyrov’s men constantly brought in new people, and they were “processed” day and night. At any moment there were probably no more than 10-20 people there, but they changed quickly. I am sure that this prison is one of many located on the territory of Chechnya, and that these prisons are specially made small so that they can be quickly liquidated in the event of an inspection. Horrible forms of torture were used there. In the courtyard, SB officers apparently tortured people with an open flame. As I understand it, this is done by connecting a hose and tap to the gas pipeline. I myself did not see how they did it, but I saw people with burns, in particular Ekiev.
In total, I was in Tsentoroi for four days<...>On December 1, 2004, all those detained in Tsentoroi were transferred from this premises, as I understand it, because some kind of inspection was supposed to take place. Me and three women were transferred to Gudermes. Other men, including Ekiev and Yeger, were taken before us - according to the guards, to the Regional Organized Crime Control Department of Shalinsky and other areas.
Austrian police documents<...>On October 4, 2005, the first day of Ramadan, they announced to me that I was being released.
<...>After my release, I spent weeks trying to get my documents and money back and went to the base five times. In the end, the guard warned me that if I came back again, I would be detained again<...>».
Fate of the document
Based on the complaint of Sharpuddi Israilov, a criminal case was opened on March 12, 2007. The applicant knows nothing about the fate of the investigation
Verbatim
Quote from the testimony of Arthur Kurmakaev (born Denisultanov), given to the Austrian police (Department for the Protection of the Constitution and Counter-Terrorism) in Vienna on June 10, 2008.
(translation of “New”)
“...I saw a list of 5,000 Chechens at President Kadyrov’s residence in Gudermes. All of these people either fought against Kadyrov or somehow attracted unwanted attention to themselves. 300 people from this list of five thousand must die. These people are the real enemies whom Kadyrov hates. These people are prohibited from returning to Chechnya. A new department has been created to eliminate these people. It is under the direct control of the President..."
The unusual device on Kadyrov’s hand has long attracted the attention of the public. But it could never have occurred to many of us that the main attribute of Muslims performing prayer acts, the rosary, could have such an analogue.
One of the versions of what the sensor on the finger of Kadyrov’s left hand is is an electronic reader. Muslims use rosaries to count mentions of the name of Allah. The rosary contains 99 beads. Having gone through all of them, the Muslim keeps count of appeals to God, the number of which can reach up to 1000 per day. Electronics on the finger of the leader of Chechnya make such an account ideal; all you have to do is press a button every time Allah is mentioned. This is the kind of computerization of religious services that results.
How the modern world changes everything even the process of prayer and counting the remembrance and praise of Allah. Electronic rosaries (electronic prayer counter) have replaced rosaries and free up your hands.
There are two buttons on the counter that can be used to dial or reset the number of prayers. The display shows the number of prayers or mentions of Allah.
A noticeable, incomprehensible device on Ramzan Kadyrov's hand turned out to be an important item for him as a Muslim.
These are electronic readers.
For us Orthodox Christians, it seems that it is not necessary to constantly remember God, but true believers must constantly think about Allah.
The rosary traditionally consists of 99 beads. By going through them, a count of appeals to Allah is kept, and their number can be very large during the day.
But Kadyrov’s device, with a special press, makes the counting ideal.
To be honest, I’m not used to realizing that this is so important for Muslims - the daily number of appeals to higher powers.
This is a rosary for those who do not want to occupy their hands with an unnecessary object, but want to read prayers according to all the rules. An electronic device records every movement of the fingers, reminiscent of the movement of rosary beads. At the end of the day, you can even check whether you managed to read all the required prayers. You need to understand that for Ramzan Kadyrov, as a Muslim and a supporter of traditions, daily prayer is very important. And abandoning the usual rosary can be done even for reasons of safety. Imagine yourself in an extreme situation with something incredibly dear to you in your hands: give it up or take a risk?
It's just a ring. Kadyrov wears two other gadgets: on the index finger of his right hand. And on the neck with beads. On the index finger it is like a mouse with bluetooth. In the previous answer it is shown on a laptop. And the number of beads on the neck is 99. These are the rosary.
Ramzan Kadyrov is a Muslim and honors the traditions of the faith.
The device on the arm is an electric rosary, which is used to count references to Allah during prayer. This rosary usually contains 99 beads. Going through them, the Muslim counts his mentions of God. And with the help of electronic ones, he makes their counting more accurate, pressing a button with each mention. There are two buttons on the rosary with which prayers are counted, and the number of presses is shown using the screen.
My sister decided to add:
Many viewers have already noticed that Kadyrov has a certain device on his finger that looks very similar to a ring.
But in reality these are electronic rosary beads. Kadyrov is a Muslim, and very much respects his traditions, the traditions of his people. It is very important for him to mention Allah in prayer and in his thoughts.
Electronic rosaries allow you to press a button every time Allah is mentioned, thereby the device keeps an accurate count, unlike rosaries, which consist of beads.
Many people pay attention to this sensor, the participants of the Team show also looked at everything and probably, like me, thought what kind of device it was. I was very interested in this because there are similar medical devices.
This way you can control your blood pressure and much more; now there are a lot of different gadgets for health.
It turned out that everything is much simpler, this device is actually an electronic counter of electronic rosary beads, in appearance it resembles a clock, this is a counter that will count how many times a Muslim person remembers the prophet during prayer. Ramzan said that he reads prayers both silently and out loud throughout the day. He has a rosary around his neck.
It could be a smart ring. Now they are made with two chipsets. They are compatible with Android and Window smartphones. Can store data like a flash drive.
Can control a smartphone.
Can be used as a business card.
Or open doors.
And a little more.
We can say that this device acts as a gadget that is intended only for people whose religion is Islam.
With the help of this device, each click is automatically taken into account and summed up. Pressing is performed during the process of prayer, namely when pronouncing the name of Allah. The traditional tool for such recording is the rosary, but they are cumbersome, not always appropriate and easy to forget somewhere. It is in such a situation that an electronic ring comes to the rescue, which will highlight the number of mentions every time.
The sensor on the index finger of the head of the Chechen Republic Ramzan Kadyrov, which can often be seen in photographs and videos, is an electronic rosary.
This electronic device replaces his standard ones (those rosaries to which we are accustomed).
Touching each bead of the rosary, with each mention of the Almighty, during prayers, is replaced by pressing a button.