International Public Foundation "Experimental Creative Center" (Kurginyan Center MOF-ETC). Sergey Kurginyan: biography, nationality, photo Kurginyan Sergey Ervandovich biography nationality


Soviet and Russian politician, theater director, political scientist and leader of the “Essence of Time” movement

Sergey Kurginyan

short biography

Sergey Ervandovich Kurginyan(born November 14, 1949, Moscow, USSR) - Soviet and Russian politician, theater director, political scientist and leader of the “Essence of Time” movement. Until 2012, he was a permanent co-host of the political talk show “Historical Process” on the Rossiya TV channel.

Born into a Moscow family of scientists. Father - Ervand Amayakovich Kurginyan (1914-1996), historian, “originally from a remote Armenian village.” Mother - Maria Sergeevna Bekman (1922-1989) was a senior researcher at the department of literary theory at the Gorky Institute of World Literature, a specialist on T. Mann, and the author of a number of monographs. Maternal grandfather, Sergei Nikolaevich Bekman, is a hereditary nobleman, a descendant of the Swede Bekman, who came to Russia and entered the service of Ivan the Terrible, and the Polish noble family of Bonch-Osmolovsky, a white officer who went over to the Reds, was shot in 1938. My maternal grandmother is Maria Semyonovna Bekman, nee Princess Meshcherskaya from Smolensk.

Graduate of the Moscow Geological Exploration Institute with a degree in geophysics (1972). In 1978, he defended his thesis “Development of methods for quantitative interpretation of frequency characteristics of a field on the complex frequency plane in methods of electrical prospecting and deep geoelectrics”, becoming a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences. He was a researcher at the Institute of Oceanology of the USSR Academy of Sciences (1974-1980), and until 1986 he was also a senior researcher at the Laboratory of Applied Cybernetics of the Moscow Geological Prospecting Institute.

Theater career

Since 1968, he led the theater group at the Moscow Geological Prospecting Institute. Graduated in absentia from the Theater School named after. B. Shchukina (1983) with a degree in drama directing.

He was a member of the commission on new theatrical forms of the Union of Theater Workers of the RSFSR and the initiator of the socio-economic experiment “Theater-studio on a collective contract”. The studio theater created by S. Kurginyan during his student years took part in this experiment in 1986, together with the studios of M. Rozovsky, “In the South-West”, “Man” and others. Based on the results of the experiment, the theater received the status of an experimental state theater with self-financing ( professional theater-studio “On the boards”). S. Kurginyan's theater professes a philosophical and metaphysical approach to modern phenomena.

In 1992 he worked at the Moscow Art Theater. Gorky's production of the play "The Shepherd" based on the play "Batum" by M. A. Bulgakov.

Experimental Creative Center

According to economist Sergei Aleksashenko, Kurginyan took part in the so-called “nomenklatura privatization,” which he himself actively opposed on several occasions. As Aleksashenko noted, with special permission from the district executive committee, Kurginyan received two buildings for the “Experimental Creative Center”. Kurginyan himself confirmed that he actually received these buildings on his balance sheet, but denied the assessment of this as “receiving ownership.”

Since the 1980s, Kurginyan, in parallel with his theatrical activities, has been analyzing the political process. In November 1987, the executive committee of the Moscow City Council, by decision No. 2622, created the “Experimental Creative Center” on the basis of the theater-studio “On the Boards” and provided it with a complex of premises in Vspolny Lane, opening up funding for their reconstruction. In January 1989, Kurginyan headed a new type of organization created by the Moscow City Executive Committee on the basis of the theater - the “Experimental Creative Center”. In 1990, it received the name International Public Foundation “Experimental Creative Center” (MOF ETC, “Kurginyan Center”), Kurginyan became its president. On July 4, 1991, IOF ETC was registered with the Ministry of Justice as an independent public organization. Since December 2004, ETC has the status of a non-governmental organization associated with the UN Department of Public Information.

Political activity

In 1988 he joined the CPSU to try to stop the collapse of the USSR. After contacting the CPSU Central Committee with a proposal to provide expert assistance in resolving the emerging Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict through the mediation of Vyacheslav Mikhailov (at that time an employee of the CPSU Central Committee apparatus, head of the CPSU Central Committee department for interethnic relations) he was sent with a group of analysts to Baku. The result of the trip was the “Baku” report dated December 15, 1988. The report went directly to the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, after which S. Kurginyan was involved by the CPSU Central Committee as a consultant and repeatedly traveled to “hot spots” (Karabakh, Vilnius, Dushanbe) on behalf of The Central Committee of the CPSU and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to conduct examinations of conflicts.

In the course of working with the CPSU Central Committee, he received the support of the second (then first) secretary of the CPSU Moscow City Committee, Yuri Prokofiev, who supported S. Kurginyan’s idea of ​​relying on the intellectual layer (primarily the scientific and technical intelligentsia) for the country to overcome the modernization barrier. In September 1990, at a brainstorming session at the USSR Council of Ministers, Kurginyan proposed taking strict confiscation measures and mass repressions against “dealers in the shadow economy.” During that period, he maintained close ties with the People's Deputy of the USSR, the head of the Soyuz deputy group, Viktor Alksnis.

Sergey Kurginyan ( on the background) at the forum “The Caucasus Today and Tomorrow: Open Dialogue among Youth.”

In the spring of 1990, he stood for election to the People's Deputies of the RSFSR on the lists of the Bloc of Social-Patriotic Forces "Towards People's Consent" in the Chertanovsky territorial district No. 58 of Moscow. The election program of candidate S. Kurginyan proposed a strategy for the national salvation of Russia, aimed at preventing the collapse of the Russian economy, society and state. In an appeal from a group of voters who supported candidate S. Kurginyan, in response to the question of where to get money for the implementation of this program, it was indicated that Russia annually loses huge amounts of money due to unfair distribution between the union republics of the USSR, on long-term construction and union “projects of the century” etc. With the seceding republics, it was proposed to switch “to payments at world prices for raw materials.” The Russians were asked to “sparingly and prudently,” like the Japanese, invest all the freed-up funds in the Russian national salvation program.

In July 1990, Kurginyan wrote a memorandum to the Central Committee of the CPSU, which stated that “the USSR is becoming essentially a fictitious state formation, an unnecessary and burdensome superstructure for all, without exception, subjects of statehood, which de facto have already declared their fullness as states in full sense of the word.<…>The only course possible for today's political leadership of the USSR is the so-called. “royal idea”, that is, a powerful conceptual plan that allows you to create a new entity in the shortest possible time.<…>Such a state should become a part of the USSR, larger than Russia, and inevitably smaller than today’s USSR.”

According to Kurginyan, in 1991 he refused to become an adviser to USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev due to differences in views on how to lead the Communist Party and the country out of the impasse. However, according to former USSR People's Deputy Viktor Alksnis: “S. Kurginyan was an unofficial adviser to the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and even M. Gorbachev. It was S. Kurginyan who then proposed to Gorbachev his plan for bringing the Soviet Union out of the crisis, and he began to implement it. Briefly, the essence of this plan was that Gorbachev should unite the centrist forces of the Soviet Union, cut off the radicals on the left and right, create a powerful centrist bloc of political parties and movements, based on which to begin reforms in the country.”

He politically and morally supported the State Emergency Committee (whose speech was not directly related), shortly after the failure of whose speech he published the article “I am the ideologist of the state of emergency.” According to Kurginyan himself, he learned about the State Emergency Committee on the morning of August 19, entering the office of the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR Oleg Lobov. After the release of the former Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Kryuchkov from custody in January 1993, he hired him at the Experimental Creative Center.

In May 1992, on behalf of the Post-Perestroika club, he distributed the document “At the Last Line. Memorandum on the possible reconciliation of the constructive forces of Russia,” in which he called for the creation of a coalition government of “democrats who have not tarnished their honor by collaborating with an anti-people course, progressive and progressive-minded patriots, communists oriented towards the future development of the country, as well as representatives of industrial leadership devoted to national interests and agriculture, farmers, entrepreneurs, bankers, leading trade unions of the country.”

In March 1993, according to some sources, Kurginyan became an adviser to the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, Ruslan Khasbulatov. However, Khasbulatov himself denies that Kurginyan worked as an adviser to him. During the events of September - October 1993, he was in the building of the Supreme Council, confronting supporters of a forced forceful solution to the crisis from among the opposition security forces and political radicals (V. Achalov, A. Barkashov, A. Makashov, S. Terekhov, etc.) and pointing to the dangerous lack of resources - power, political, information and others - among supporters of the Supreme Council for the success of such actions. He was the developer of a scenario for the behavior of opposition forces, an alternative to the one that was implemented on October 3 (“the march on Ostankino”). In his opinion, the plan to march on Ostankino was provocative. Several times he disrupted provocations organized among the defenders of the Supreme Soviet building (the so-called “Sokolov riot”, etc.), and categorically objected to the incorporation of Barkashovites and other provocative elements into the defenders’ environment. Conducted a political dialogue and information campaign in favor of the Supreme Council. On September 30, the “party” of supporters of the campaign against Ostankino, located inside the building of the Armed Forces, achieved the expulsion of S. Kurginyan as their dangerous opponent (according to another version, Sergei Ervandovich was escorted out of the territory by Barkashov’s associates, along with the Yakut found in the washbasin). On the same day, S. Kurginyan addressed all supporters of the Supreme Council with a warning about an impending provocation. The warning was transmitted through the channels of the “Ring” information system that existed at that time, and also appeared on the feeds of official news agencies.

In March 1996, he invited representatives of big business to unite and take a constructive pro-state position, which was supposed to guarantee the preservation of the legal democratic political regime in the country. The result of this was the famous “Letter of Thirteen,” which was signed by such famous people as Boris Berezovsky, Mikhail Fridman, Mikhail Khodorkovsky. The publication of the letter became an important element of the political process, which blocked the beginning of the development of events along the lines of 1993 (on March 17, 1996, deputies of the State Duma were unexpectedly evacuated from the building), associated with the fear of some elites about the consequences of the expected loss of the 1996 presidential elections by B. N. Yeltsin to the head of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. As a result, B. N. Yeltsin was convinced of the prospects of the elective option for extending his powers. The escalation of events and the introduction of a state of emergency were prevented (the State Duma resumed work, elections took place in the summer of 1996). However, the result of the interaction between B.N. Yeltsin’s entourage and the largest businessmen during the preparation and conduct of the 1996 elections was the emergence in Russia in 1996-1999. oligarchic political regime, so-called. "seven bankers".

Kurginyan claimed that he participated in the removal of General A.I. Lebed from the post of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.

At the beginning of 2011, he created and led the Essence of Time movement, which included supporters of red revenge and the restoration of a renewed USSR, who gathered around the “Essence of Time” series of programs.

  • "Essence of Time"- the author’s program by Sergei Kurginyan, which marked the beginning of the movement of the same name. Published from February 1 to November 17, 2011. A total of 41 issues and 2 special issues were published.

In December 2011, he twice publicly burned a white ribbon (a symbol of the protest movement in Russia at the turn of 2011-2012), which he called the symbol of the new edition of perestroika, “Perestroika 2.”

In the winter of 2012, together with a number of politicians, he spoke out against the threat of the “Orange Revolution” in Russia (named by analogy with the Ukrainian Orange Revolution), which, having begun in the form of the “Movement for Fair Elections”, according to these politicians, used the form and methods of the Ukrainian scenario . In order to counter this threat, a broad “anti-Orange coalition” of political and public organizations was assembled, in which the main unifying principle was to prevent the launch of the “Orange Revolution” in the country and which took the position of an alternative opposition, the “Third Force” in the events that took place. At the same time, on the initiative of S. Kurginyan, the “Anti-Orange Committee” was created, which included Maxim Shevchenko, Mikhail Leontiev, Alexander Dugin, Vadim Kvyatkovsky, Marina Yudenich. The main complaint against the representatives of the “Orange” (Nemtsov, Kasparov, Kasyanov, Ryzhkov, Sobchak) and to the “liberoids” was that, according to Kurginyan, they are striving for the “collapse of Russia” and the launch of “Perestroika-2”.

During 2011-2012 at the head of the Essence of Time movement, together with a number of affiliated movements, organizations and public figures, holds a number of rallies in Moscow.

At the first stage (December 2011-March 2012) they were mainly devoted to the fight against the “orange coalition”:

  • December 24, 2011, Altermeeting “Gathering Point”, Vorobyovy Gory
  • February 4, 2012, Anti-Orange rally, Poklonnaya Gora
  • February 23, 2012, Altermeeting “Third Force”, All-Russian Exhibition Center
  • March 5, 2012, Mobilization meeting, square

According to S. Kurginyan, by launching a series of rallies, he solved two problems: firstly, he countered the “orange” seizure of power by the radical non-systemic opposition; secondly, fixing the position “against the Orange, in opposition to Putin” to play along with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in order to develop its electoral success in the elections to the State Duma in December 2011. However, largely due to the lack of a clear position of the Communist Party leadership on the issue of counteraction or, conversely, , support for the “orange opposition” did not happen. Accordingly, the full effect of S. Kurginyan’s actions was received by V. Putin, who won the presidential elections and, most importantly, managed to consolidate this victory. An important factor in this was the loss of dynamism and, to a large extent, authority by the non-systemic opposition (the “people against the government” situation did not happen). This was one of the results of mass rallies of both V. Putin’s supporters themselves and the Kurginyan “third force”; as a result, representatives of the opposition actively criticized S. Kurginyan, accusing him of working for Putin.S. Kurginyan became the object of a harsh information campaign from the united non-systemic opposition, both radical left (“new left”, neo-Trotskyists, the most radical part of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, etc.) and liberal (B. Nemtsov, “Echo of Moscow”, etc.).

Subsequently (since May 2012), the main attention is paid to the fight against juvenile justice (which, in addition to the main result, expands the socio-political base of support for S. Kurginyan’s “Essence of Time” movement), both as part of a broad coalition, including representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church MP , and on our own resources:

  • May 15, 2012, Meeting against juvenile justice, Pushkinskaya Square
  • June 17, 2012, Coalition rally against the Kremlin’s liberal course, Revolution Square
  • July 1, 2012, Coalition meeting of broad patriotic opposition, Revolution Square
  • September 22, 2012, Procession and rally against the adoption of juvenile laws, Krymskaya embankment
  • On February 9, 2013, Sergei Kurginyan gave an opening speech at the First Congress of Parents; in addition to him, the head of the Russian Presidential Administration Sergei Ivanov, the chairman of the synodal department for interaction between church and society of the Moscow Patriarchate Vsevolod Chaplin, as well as Russian President Vladimir Putin also spoke there. The forum was dedicated to criticism of juvenile justice, school education reform and the practice of adoption of Russian orphans by foreigners. Sergei Kurginyan called the organization “Parental All-Russian Resistance” “patriotic and oppositional.”

In June 2014, Kurginyan arrived in Donetsk. At the height of the Ukrainian crisis, on July 7, Kurginyan criticized Slavyansk defense commander Igor Strelkov, accusing him of abandoning the city, trying to surrender Donetsk and going to Russia to overthrow Putin. In Donetsk, under the protection of the Vostok battalion, Kurginyan held a press conference. Strelkov, who was then in Donetsk, sent Pavel Gubarev to Kurginyan, inviting Kurginyan to his place for a conversation and guaranteeing the Moscow guest’s safety. Kurginyan refused to come and insisted that Strelkov come to him himself.

Participation in television projects

From July to December 2010, he was co-host of the television program “Court of Time” (together with Leonid Mlechin and Nikolai Svanidze as a judge) on Channel Five.

Author and host of the “anti-show” program “Essence of Time”, published since February 2011 on the video hosting Vimeo, the website of the Experimental Creative Center and the website of the virtual club “Essence of Time”. In the program, among other things, he expresses the idea of ​​the messianic role of Russia in the modern world.

From August 2011 to February 2012 - co-host (together with Nikolai Svanidze) of the project “Historical Process” on the Rossiya TV channel. In the spring of 2012, he announced his resignation from this program.

Family

Wife - Maria Mamikonyan, Sergei's classmate at the Geological Exploration Institute, actress of the "On the Boards" theater, political publicist, employee of the Kurginyan Center, chairman of the "Parental All-Russian Resistance".

Daughter - Irina, Candidate of Historical Sciences, employee of the Kurginyan Center.

There is a granddaughter.

Beliefs, views

In 1991, he supported the idea of ​​the “Democratic Union” to create a Constituent Assembly to change the socio-political system:

My position is very similar to the position of the Democratic Union, which speaks of a Constituent Assembly. I also believe that to change the Constitution and the socio-political system we need a Constituent Assembly.

He also spoke out against Soviet democracy as a democracy that is no longer controlled by the law, for the dictate of laws and strict adherence to the principle of a single lawmaker in the person of the union leadership:

With us it’s like: either Stalinism or the winds of democracy. The system is designed for an idiot. The entire political experience of the world suggests that just when these winds of democracy begin to blow with full force, everything ends in totalitarianism. Sooner or later the people say: “We need a king, so that he can cut off everyone’s heads, but only one.” And the Russian game begins: from lawlessness to dictatorship, from dictatorship to lawlessness, from lawlessness again to dictatorship... After all, when I tell you about my hostility to democracy, I mean Soviet democracy. A democracy that is no longer controlled by the law.

Newspaper "Smena". No. 104-105, 05/08/1991

He advocated the transfer of power to the manufacturer:

And most importantly - this is my personal point of view - power should be transferred to the manufacturer.

Newspaper "Smena". No. 104-105, 05/08/1991

In 2007, before the presidential elections in Russia, he expressed the opinion that “the very principle of presidential power in Russia is more fundamentally constitutional than the principle that speaks of two presidential terms,” and also expressed concern that “if Putin tries to move from the presidential post, although even by a millimeter, it will destroy the system.”

In 2011, after the congress of the United Russia party, commenting on D. Medvedev’s nomination of Prime Minister V. Putin as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, S. Kurginyan said that “the process that they wanted to turn towards a return to radical liberalism did not turn in this direction “, and also that “with the de-Stalinization of radical liberalism, the return to already dead mythologies and types of social and other cultural existence, this is all over for the near future.” Addressing his supporters, S. Kurginyan also emphasized that this did not happen thanks to “including our modest efforts.”

He respects Lenin, Stalin and Beria and regrets that it was not possible to save the USSR. According to him, he feels personal guilt for the collapse of the USSR:

“I believe that my fault lies in the fact that I did not take people out into the street.” I didn’t take people out into the streets in 1991, because I loved the CPSU, I believed that it had potential, I worked for the CPSU, and I believed that it would take them out into the streets. I placed public energy in the hands of an institution that I trusted. That's the only fault. I saved the situation there six times like an expert. But I didn’t become a street politician in 1991, because I thought that the street was right there, nearby, so why would I reinvent the wheel. But in 2012 I did something different.

From an interview with the Anti-Crisis Club

Characterizes the state of consciousness of modern Russian society as a catastrophe of meanings, which became one of the consequences of Perestroika and consisted of the replacement of ideal values ​​(communist ideals and associated meanings) with material ones (consumption as the goal of life) instead of an equivalent replacement of some ideals with others. In the book “Esau and Jacob,” S. Kurginyan draws a parallel between this exchange and the plot of the biblical parable of Esau and Jacob, which describes how Esau, being the elder brother, sold his birthright to Jacob for lentil stew.

He believes that the only possible form of existence for our country is an empire as a union of equal peoples, and the Russian people should play a state-forming role in it and become its core, around which other peoples gather.

I am confident that Russia should abandon the idea of ​​joining Europe, since it is incompatible with preserving the integrity of the country and can only take place if the country collapses. He believes that Russia cannot enter Europe also because Russia is Europe, but different, that it is an alternative Europe, part of the Christian world, based on European culture and inheriting it, but tracing its history back to the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium), while modern Western Europe acts as the heir to the Western Roman Empire.

Notes the existence of a global development crisis: “a world without development is monstrous - it is a world of countermodernity and postmodernity. And to develop according to the laws of modernity is becoming more and more impossible.” Argues that our country is the owner of a unique experience of an alternative (non-European) path of development, since its modernization was not classical, it proceeded differently than all other developed countries (these views are set out in the series of programs “The Essence of Time”). Thus, in the release of the “Essence of Time” program dated October 25, 2011, based on the concepts of a number of scientists, including V.I. Vernadsky, Nikolai Fedorov, A.A. Bogdanov, he argued that “only Russia in the whole world is capable of developing not as prescribed by modernity” and that “Russia’s desire to develop not according to the rules of modernity is not a whim, this is not Russian nonsense, but this is a world-historical salvation.” He believes that the use of this experience will allow Russia not only to overcome regression itself and begin development, but also to demonstrate messianism, offering the whole world a way to overcome the crisis of modernity, in which development through classical modernization is no longer possible, because our country is “a source of knowledge about how develop not according to the rules of modernity":

The question of the world-historical significance of Russia, its world-historical uniqueness even at the bottom of its fall is its exclusivity! What is it?

The fact is that only Russia in the whole world is capable of developing differently from what is prescribed by modernity. And she has not just an abstract ability to develop like this. She has historical experience of this other development! A century of historical experience!

He claimed that for this reason they want to remove Russia from the historical stage:

Right now, at the bottom of its fall, Russia is the savior of humanity, because right now the world-historical task of development beyond the framework of modernity has arisen. Either development beyond the framework of modernity - or non-development, that is, fascism and death. The question is as pressing as ever. And that is precisely why they want to remove Russia from the historical stage, because it remains an opportunity for development in the 21st century - a living keeper of the knowledge of how this should be done.

Program “Essence of Time”, issue 38

He adheres to anti-liberal opposition views and occupies an alternative opposition niche, criticizing both the government and the liberal opposition, while considering power to be the lesser evil. Since December 2011, he has been discussing political events and expressing his point of view on the political process in the series of analytical programs “The Meaning of the Game.”

  • "The meaning of the game"- the author's analytical program by Sergei Kurginyan, in which issues of current politics are discussed. Published since December 9, 2011.

The word “liberoid” is a dirty word for S. Kurginyan; he uses this term to designate that part of Russian liberals who are characterized by extreme rejection of traditional Russian values ​​and conviction of the depravity of all stages of its history; At the same time, he notes that their political behavior violates all liberal norms accepted in the West. He also criticized Russia's accession to the WTO and spoke out in support of Patriarch Kirill.

Creation

The author of a number of books and many articles in the press, a frequent guest of analytical programs of the central channels of Russian television. He participated several times in the TV show “To the Barrier” and “The Duel”; his “rivals” were:

  • Mark Urnov
  • Konstantin Borovoy
  • Nikolay Zlobin
  • Alexey Venediktov
  • Boris Nadezhdin
  • Leonid Gozman
  • Gregory Amnuel
  • Vyacheslav Kovtun
  • Vladimir Zhirinovsky

Creator, permanent director and chief director of the theater-studio “On the Boards”. Among the many performances of the theater during the years of perestroika, the play “Transcript”, staged based on documentary materials of the XIV Conference of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, was topical. In 1987, in European newspapers and magazines, the original production of A. S. Pushkin’s drama “Boris Godunov” was called “a play about the collapse of the first Russian perestroika.”

In the early to mid-1990s, he was a permanent member of the Analytical Group of the Foreign Policy Association (“Besmertnykh Group”, named after the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Alexander Bessmertnykh).

Since 1994, he regularly participates in international congresses and symposiums. Since 2001, he has been conducting a permanent Russian-Israeli seminar on issues of counter-terrorism and international security.

In 1995 he participated, together with a group of other young intellectuals (S. Chernyshev, A. Belousov, V. Glazychev, A. Kuraev, V. Makhnach, V. Radaev, Sh. Sultanov, etc.), in the collection “Other. A Reader of the New Russian Self-Awareness.”

He developed the concept of the fourth (in addition to modernity, countermodernity and postmodernity) version of the development of society - “supermodernity” (set out in the book “Esau and Jacob” and developed in the series of programs “The Essence of Time”) as the only one suitable for the development of Russia.

He is the editor-in-chief of the scientific and journalistic magazine “Russia-XXI”, published since 1992, and the almanac “School of Holistic Analysis” (since 1998). He leads the intellectual and discussion club “Substantial Unity”. He is engaged in the analysis of political processes in Russia and the world, post-capitalist ideologies, political philosophy and decision-making strategy.

Books

  • Response field
  • The Russian Question and the Institute of the Future
  • Post-perestroika: a conceptual model of the development of our society, political parties and public organizations, 1990.
  • Seventh scenario (in three parts: part 1 Before the putsch, part 2 After the putsch, part 3 Before the choice) 1992
  • Lessons of October (Lessons of bloody October) (published in the magazine “Russia XXI”, No. 11-12, 1993) 1993
  • Russia: government and opposition 1993
  • Weakness of power: Analytics of closed elite games and its conceptual foundations 2006
  • Swing: Conflict of elites or collapse of Russia? 2008
  • Kurginyan S.E. Esau and Jacob. - M.: MOF ETC, 2009. (information about the book on the website of MOF ETC)
  • Current archive. Theory and practice of political games 2010
  • Political tsunami. Analysis of events in North Africa and the Middle East in 2011
  • Kurginyan S.E. The essence of time. Philosophical justification of Russia's messianic claims in the 21st century. - M.: MOF ETC, 2012. - 1500 copies. (Book “The Essence of Time” on the website of the International Fund of ETC)

Criticism, reviews

Positive

  • Alexander Yanov in 1995 classified Sergei Kurginyan as one of the smartest opposition ideologists.
  • The editorial article of the Russian Journal notes that “on the basis of the “School of Holistic Analysis” created by Kurginyan, in recent years it has actually been possible to obtain a new quality in the description of macro-regional and global processes, to ensure high efficiency of forecasts for the development of a number of processes”
  • Simon Kordonsky described Kurginyan as “an outstanding intelligent person who combines all forms of research attitude to the world (director-conceptual, reductionist and expert).” According to Kordonsky, “Kurginyan’s world is a stage on which, under Kurginyan’s watchful director’s eye, a performance is unfolding, constructed by an expert, Kurginyan, on the basis of a reductionist (Kurginyan’s) model of a fragment of history. The creative and political failures of such comprehensively developed intellectuals only add to their ardor, ambition and popularity in their native environment.”
  • Vadim Joseph Rossman in 2002 considered Kurginyan one of the most consistent statists (statists), who opposes fascist and Nazi ideologies
  • Vyacheslav Kuznetsov singled out the works of Sergei Kurginyan among “significant studies that offer interesting approaches to creating a methodology and theory of culture of development.”
  • Doctor of Historical Sciences Dmitry Levchik came to the conclusion that S. Kurginyan in 1991-1993 “demonstrated the continuity of the historical path of the USSR - Russia.” He noted Kurginyan’s merits in debunking the ideological cliché about a “historical mistake” “on the path of development of our country.”

Neutral and moderate

  • Doctor of Historical Sciences Alexander Repnikov (RGASPI), commenting on S. Kurginyan’s article on the virtualization of life, the struggle of postmodernism with personality and the ideology of “citizens of the world,” generally shares the author’s position and regrets that now “this is the desire not to be, but to appear, the desire of the individual dissolves itself into nothingness, in some virtual game the main goal of life for many.”
  • In an article in the Izvestia newspaper, columnist Irina Petrovskaya, speaking about Kurginyan, noted: He grabs by the throat, his temperament, which often turns into hysterical rage, the accessibility of his argumentation and his populist appeal to the people. This, in her opinion, is the reason for Kurginyan’s regular support in television voting.
  • According to APN columnist Eric Lobach, Kurginyan is fulfilling two political technology orders. First: pre-election criticism of all political forces except United Russia; second: “to drive a wedge between Russian patriots and Russian nationalists.”

Negative

  • According to political scientist Andrei Piontkovsky Kurginyan rather unscrupulous in his means of defending a cause which he sincerely believes to be right. As an example, he cites the “Historical Process” program dedicated to the fate of Mikhail Khodorkovsky. Kurginyan brought down charges so false and demagogic on a man sentenced to a slow and painful death that even the official investigation, which hates its victim, has not dared to present them for a decade- noted Piontkovsky. Piontkovsky also classifies S. Kurginyan as a major left-wing patriotic thinker.
  • Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor, Academician of the Historical and Philological Department of the Russian Academy of Sciences Yuri Pivovarov, opposing S. Kurginyan on the air of the program “Historical Process” and answering the question “Is capitalism able to stop wars?”, replied: “I don’t know what capitalism is, I I don’t use the language, it’s not my language”, “your language from a semi-educated political economy teacher from 1970 doesn’t convince me, you can’t describe Western society with your categories, it’s nonsense, stupidity and inadequacy.”
  • Andrei Kuraev called Kurginyan and other speakers at the rally on February 4, 2012 “punk-Stalinists” and accused them of desecrating Poklonnaya Hill.
  • Economist and publicist Mikhail Khazin stated live on RSN: “Kurginyan is a political scientist, ... he works to order.”
  • Boris Altshuler, deputy commission of the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation on social policy, labor relations and quality of life of citizens, president of the regional public organization for promoting the protection of children’s rights “Children’s Right”: “For opponents of juvenile justice, in particular for Sergei Kurginyan, the law on public control over boarding schools goes in conjunction with the law on social patronage. The fact that they combine these laws is very bad. I know the pros and cons of the law on social patronage, but when opponents criticize the law on social patronage, they do so unconstructively.”

"Foundation in Cyprus"

In February 2012, information appeared on the Internet that Kurginyan “has a fund in Cyprus.” For a little over a year, this information was circulated on the Internet. Speaking to the public in Vladivostok in October 2012, Kurginyan made a statement that he had a fund in Cyprus.

In March 2013, in a publication on MK.ru, Boris Nemtsov was quoted as saying with reference to his Facebook page that Kurginyan has a fund registered in Cyprus. Kurginyan filed a defamation suit against him and immediately denied this information, adding a public promise that if anyone proves that he has a foundation registered in Cyprus, he will leave politics. Nemtsov commented on this situation: “The clownery is that Kurginyan himself admitted that he has a foundation in Cyprus, speaking in Vladivostok in October 2012. And then I forgot. Age…". During the hearing, Kurginyan’s own lawyers suggested that the court not trust the words of their client, saying that he could have accidentally or deliberately misled the listeners. On March 29, Nemtsov published a video on his blog where Kurginyan says that he has a fund in Cyprus, accompanying them a link to an extract from the Russian Unified State Register of Legal Entities, where on page 7 there is information about the registration of the representative office of the Kurginyan Center Foundation in the Cypriot city of Larnaca, which is a branch of the Russian ETC and is not an independent legal entity in accordance with the legislation of both the Russian Federation and the Republic Cyprus, whose legislation provides for such a type of legal entity as a “Fund”. Nemtsov also demanded that Kurginyan fulfill his promise and leave politics.

The case was heard on September 13 in the Presnensky District Court of Moscow. According to the defendant himself (Nemtsov), his statement contains inaccuracies in the fact that the MOF ETC (“Kurginyan Center”) is registered in Cyprus, since it is registered in Russia, and only has a representative office in Cyprus, but this inaccuracy does not discredit the honor of the plaintiff. According to the court, these words of Nemtsov did not discredit part of the plaintiff, and therefore refused to satisfy Kurginyan’s claim. Nemtsov stated on his social network page that he won the lawsuit against Kurginyan: “ This loyal Putinist, patriot and statesman has a foundation in Cyprus" On the same day, in a video message, Kurginyan drew attention to the fact that the defendant himself refuted his words and also expressed his intention to appeal this decision.

Miscellaneous

  • On February 17, 2008, during a broadcast with E. Albats, after the presenter refused to apologize to him and turned off his microphone, S. Kurginyan left the studio.
  • On December 16, 2008, in the program “Clinch” on “Echo of Moscow”, S. Kurginyan, who is a consistent opponent of Nazi ideology, threw a glass of water on Roman Dobrokhotov after he told him: “this same protest wave can go the way of Kurginyan - this is the worst path is the fascist, brown path” and “it seems to me that you relate better to the “blue” than to the “orange”.
  • In 2010, after the tragedy at the Raspadskaya mine and a wave of protest rallies that swept across the country, Kurginyan organized a political science landing in Mezhdurechensk. In the newspaper “Zavtra,” S. Kurginyan accused the opposition media of “base lies,” which reported low wages, poor working conditions for miners, and also overstated the number of victims. Having drawn up a psychological portrait of the co-owner of the mine G. Kozovoy, S. Kurginyan came to the conclusion that “the Raspadskaya mine for Kozovoy is a passionately beloved woman.” Analyzing the possible causes of the tragedy, S. Kurginyan argued that Raspadskaya is the most advanced mine in terms of mining technology and safety control technology, and also named a man-made special disaster as one of the versions of what happened.

International Public Foundation "Experimental Creative Center" (Kurginyan Center MOF-ETC) created in 1990. It is an independent public organization. Registered with the Ministry of Justice on July 4, 1991.

The founders of the Kurginyan Center are a group of political scientists, sociologists, and cultural experts.

President - Sergey Ervandovich Kurginyan.

Vice President for Scientific Work - Byaly Yuri Vulfovich.

General Director - Natalya Mikhailovna Syrovatko.

Among the main research programs of the Kurginyan Center:

- "Political philosophy of transitional social processes";

- "Russia's resource security";

- “Religious and cultural challenges to Russian statehood”;

- “Macroregional and local-regional processes”;

- "Political, economic and scientific-cultural elites";

- "Principles and technologies of control in unstable distributed systems."

The information and analytical developments of the Center’s specialists are used by political structures of a fairly wide range, as well as government bodies of the Russian Federation and its constituent entities.

One of the important activities of the Kurginyan Center is the publishing program.

Since 1989, the Center has published a number of books prepared by Sergei Kurginyan and other experts.

Since 1993, the socio-political and scientific magazine of the Center has been published " Russia-XXI". Among the authors of the magazine are well-known domestic and foreign experts, scientists, publicists, and public figures.

From 1995 to 1998, Center experts ran their own weekly analytical page, “Face of the Week,” in the newspaper Zavtra. Since May 1998, the Center has regularly published analytical materials in the newspaper Slovo (formerly Pravda, editor-in-chief V. Linnik), as well as in other newspapers and magazines. Now its experts appear in analytical programs on radio and television.

Since April 1998, the Kurginyan Center has been publishing the analytical almanac “School of Holistic Analysis.” The objectives of the almanac are event-factual analysis of a wide range of Russian and world socio-political problems, their theoretical understanding and conceptual summary.

Under the auspices of the Center, the international seminar “Fundamental Conflicts in the 21st Century”, organized in December 2001 on the initiative of the Russian and Israeli sides, is constantly operating.

Since December 2004, ETC has the status of a non-governmental organization associated with the Department of Public Information of the United Nations.

The Center was at the origins of the creation of the International Community of Academic Organizations for Research and Counter-Terrorism (ICTAC).

In September 2005, an agreement on mutual cooperation was signed with the Institute for Social Development of Europe and Asia under the Development Center of the State Council of the People's Republic of China.

In November 2005, the Kurginyan Center, together with the Chandigarh Center for Research in Rural and Industrial Development (CRRID), began a long-term program of seminars and conferences on the origins of and countering international and regional terrorism, as well as on global studies and economics.

Sergey Ervandovich Kurginyan is a geophysicist, politician, political scientist, artistic director of the theater-studio “On the Boards”, founder of the left-wing movement “Essence of Time”, advocating the restoration of the USSR, head of the Kurginyan Center foundation.

He is the author of numerous articles analyzing world political processes, current problems of social life, theories of disasters, decision-making strategies, wrote more than a dozen books (“Lessons of October”, “Political Tsunami”), and also acted as a co-host in television programs and was a participant various television programs.

In a number of media outlets, he was classified as a “sixth column” inside the Kremlin, which initially stood for European values, for Russia’s non-interference in events in the Donbass, for integration into the Western world, seeing its representatives not so much as enemies but as competitors.

Childhood and youth of Sergei Kurginyan

Kurginyan was born on November 14, 1949 in the capital in the family of a historian and philologist. His father was a professor specializing in Middle Eastern studies and born in a small Armenian village, his mother was a researcher at the Institute of World Literature. A. Gorky. Sergei's birth mothers and grandparents were nobles.

As a child, Serezha dreamed of becoming an artist, so he actively participated in amateur performances, attended the school drama club and played in plays. However, he failed to enroll in drama school after school. But he became a student at a geological exploration university, where already in his 2nd year he began directing the established amateur theater.


After graduating from university in 1972, the young man worked at the Institute of Oceanology, and over time became a researcher and candidate of science. In 1980, he went to work at his native geological exploration institute.

Combining scientific activities with a passion for artistic creativity, Sergei remained the director of the studio theater organized during his student years, and also graduated in absentia in 1983 from the College named after. B. Shchukina.

Bibliographers noted with interest that the current adherent of the USSR in Soviet times was not at all a supporter of the existing system. On the contrary, he emphasized the horror and bloodiness of the Stalinist regime and the fact that he, the descendant of a noble family and the grandson of his executed grandfather, had nothing to respect the Soviet regime for.

Sergey Kurginyan Center

In 1986, the geophysicist’s favorite brainchild, his theater, was recognized as state-owned and acquired the name “On the Boards,” and Sergei himself left work in his first specialty and devoted himself to creativity.


The activities of the future political scientist as a drama director were not very successful in those years. The only performance “Shepherd” based on the play “Batum” by Mikhail Bulgakov, staged by him in 1992 on the stage of the Moscow Art Theater, failed. However, on the contrary, he succeeded in economic activities.

In 1987, on the basis of his studio theater, the Experimental Creative Center (ECC) was established. With the support of his initiative by the secretary of the executive committee of the Moscow City Council, Yuri Prokofiev, the Center was provided with a number of premises in the very heart of the capital in Vspolny Lane and allocated funds.

In 1990, the ETC received the right to be called the International Public Foundation or the “Kurginyan Center”. In 2004, the center also earned the high status of an organization associated with the UN Department.

Political career of Sergei Kurginyan

Sergei Ervandovich supported perestroika and all the initiatives of Mikhail Gorbachev. But he never wanted the collapse of the USSR, but advocated the modernization of the administrative-command system. He joined the ranks of the CPSU in order to introduce his ideas of preserving and improving statehood, and opposed democrats eager for the death of the empire.


Thanks to the mediation of the head of the Moscow City Executive Committee, Prokofv, he, as part of a group of political experts, visited Baku to assist in resolving the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The report on the results of the trip, submitted to him by the Politburo of the Party Central Committee, contained accurate forecasts of the development of the situation. Therefore, Kurginyan began to be attracted as an expert in the future. He traveled to Karabakh, Lithuania, Dushanbe.

In 1991, he was an unofficial adviser to Gorbachev, who proposed the president's plan to get the country out of the crisis. However, Sergei Ervandovich himself claimed that he and the head of state had differences of opinion regarding ways to lead the party and the USSR out of the impasse.

He supported the State Committee for the State of Emergency during the August putsch, announcing this in the publication “I am an ideologist of the emergency.” He subsequently accepted one of the conspirators, the head of the KGB Vladimir Kryuchkov, into his ETC.

During the internal political conflict of 1993, he found himself in the premises of the Supreme Council. Supporters of the move to Ostankino kicked him out the door as an opponent of this decision. He immediately informed the public of their intentions.

Sergei Kurginyan about Navalny

In 1996, the politician called on large entrepreneurs to take the pro-state side. As a result, the appeal “Letter of 13” appeared in the press, signed, in particular, by the heads of LogoVAZ Boris Berezovsky, Siberian Oil Company Viktor Gorodilov, AvtoVAZ Alexey Nikolaev, Alfa Group Mikhail Fridman, Menatep Mikhail Khodorkovsky, containing proposals for overcoming the crisis and support for Boris Yeltsin. Later, the result of interaction between big business and the head of state was the emergence of an oligarchic political system in the Russian Federation.

Personal life of Sergei Kurginyan

The politician is married to Maria Mamikonyan. They met and got married while studying at the institute. Today she is an artist of the “On the Boards” theater, an employee of the ETC, the head of the “Parental All-Russian Resistance” (RVS), which deals with problems of family protection and education issues. The organization denies the Western model of education and advocates banning sex education for children.


In April 2015, in St. Petersburg, the RVS’s action to distribute its newspaper in schools across the country caused a public outcry. Many deputies of the Legislative Assembly were outraged that children were actually made the target of political propaganda. Moreover, according to parliamentarians, the publication presented a distorted view of the country’s history.

The couple has an adult daughter, Irina, born in 1977, who also works at the Kurginyan Center. By education she is a historian, candidate of sciences. Ira is raising a daughter.

Sergei Ervandovich was interested in new types of theatrical forms. Therefore, he was among the first participants in the experiment of organizing self-financed theater groups, creating “On the Boards.” When it turned out that Melpomene was not inclined to reciprocate his feelings, he found an equally interesting calling - he discovered and developed the talent of an expert analyst. The center named after him, working on the principle of a kind of family contract, publishes newspapers, magazines, and books with political content.

Sergey Kurginyan today

In 2011, the “aggressive patriot,” as he was called in the media, founded the left-wing patriotic movement “Essence of Time.” Its emergence is associated with the talk show “The Court of Time” and subsequent lectures on the global network, where he expressed his views. As the leader of the established structure, he held rallies and burned a white ribbon as a sign of purity and protest in front of the public.


In 2012, the politician was among the initiators of measures to prevent the “Orange Revolution” in the Russian Federation, similar to the Ukrainian one - in particular, he established the “Anti-Orange Committee”, which opposes the collapse of the Russian Federation. Representatives of the opposition forces accused him of working for Vladimir Putin.

In 2013, Sergei organized the Parents’ Congress, at which the “All-Russian Parental Resistance” was established, chaired by the politician’s wife Maria Rachievna Mamikonyan. The president of the country stopped by the event and made a short speech.

Political scientist Sergei Kurginyan about Vladimir Putin

In 2014, the political scientist visited Donetsk, where he exposed Igor Strelkov as a traitor, causing outrage and controversy in online forums. As noted in the media, a politician has a unique quality - the ability to take the position of an oppositionist and at the same time maintain absolute loyalty to the current government.

Sergey Ervandovich Kurginyan(Armenian: Սերգեյ Երվանդի Կուրղինյան) - Soviet and Russian geophysicist, Russian analyst, political scientist and theater director.
Born into a Moscow intelligent family. Father E.A. Kurginyan was a professor of modern history and an expert on the Middle East. Mother M.S. Kurginyan was a senior researcher at the department of literary theory at the Gorky Institute of World Literature, a specialist on T. Mann, and the author of a number of monographs.
Graduate of the Moscow Geological Exploration Institute with a degree in geophysics (1972). Graduate of the Shchukin Theater School (1983), majoring in drama directing. Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences, researcher at the Institute of Oceanology of the USSR Academy of Sciences (1974-1980). Until 1986, he was listed as a senior researcher in the laboratory of applied cybernetics of the Moscow Geological Prospecting Institute.
The theater-studio, created by S. Kurginyan back in his student years, in 1986, together with the studios of M. Rozovsky, "In the South-West", "Man" and others, took part in the experiment "Theater on a collective contract". Based on the results of the experiment, the theater received state status (theater "On the Boards"). S. Kurginyan's theater professes a philosophical and metaphysical approach to modern phenomena.
Since the eighties, S. Kurginyan, in parallel with his theatrical activities, has been analyzing the political process. He repeatedly traveled to “hot spots” on behalf of the CPSU Central Committee (then the leadership of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR) to conduct an independent examination.
In 1991, Kurginyan refused to become an adviser to Gorbachev due to differences in views on how to lead the Communist Party and the country out of the impasse. S. Kurginyan’s idea of ​​relying on the intellectual layer (primarily the scientific and technical intelligentsia) for the country to overcome the modernization barrier was supported by Yu. Prokofiev, secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU. In the center of Moscow, S. Kurginyan, who united a number of organizations and laboratories with breakthrough developments into the Experimental Creative Center, was provided with several houses.
In 1993, he became an adviser to R. Khasbulatov, and during the October events he was in the building of the Supreme Council. On October 30, at a press conference, he made a statement about an impending provocation against the legitimate legislative branch.
In 1996, he invited representatives of big business to unite and take a constructive pro-state position. The result of this was the famous “Letter of 13.”
Participated in the removal of General A.I. Lebed from the post of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.
Organized and headed the Experimental Creative Center corporation in 1989, and then the International Public Foundation Experimental Creative Center (Kurginyan Center: http://www.kurginyan.ru)
He is the editor-in-chief of the scientific and journalistic magazine “Russia-XXI”, published by the Center since 1993, and the almanac “School of Holistic Analysis”, which began publication in the spring of 1998. The ETC Corporation, in addition to the Foundation itself, includes informal clubs “Substantial Unity” and “Youth Discussion Film Club ", the magazine "Russia-XXI", as well as the Theater "On the Boards" led by Sergei Kurginyan.
He leads the intellectual discussion club “Substantial Unity” and a number of political and analytical seminars.
He is engaged in the analysis of political processes in Russia and the world, studies of post-capitalist ideologies, problems of political philosophy and decision-making strategies.

“Aggressive patriot” is how the leading media call Sergei Kurginyan. His biography is amazing: despite the fact that he belongs to the opposition, Sergei has never spoken out against the current government, demonstrating loyalty. Kurginyan is considered a member of the “6th Column,” which advocates integration with the West and the development of strong partnerships.

Childhood and youth

Sergei was born in 1949 in Moscow, his parents are scientists. Father Ervand Amayakovich is a historian, mother Maria Sergeevna worked as a senior researcher at the Institute of World Literature named after. Gorky. Sergei's nationality is Armenian. The maternal grandmother was a born princess, and the grandfather on the same line was a hereditary nobleman of Swedish blood.

Little Seryozha wanted to become an artist, so he was an active participant in amateur performances at school and took part in productions. He failed to enter the theater school. But in the 2nd year of the geological exploration university, where Kurginyan was accepted, he created an amateur troupe and began to lead it.

After receiving his diploma in 1972, Sergei was hired by the Institute of Oceanology, where he defended his Ph.D. After 8 years, the young scientist returns to his native geological exploration department as a research assistant. Despite his vigorous scientific activity, he did not abandon either the founded theater studio or his dreams of a theatrical future. In 1983 he graduated from the College in absentia. Shchukin, receiving a specialty in drama directing.


In 1986, the theater was recognized as a state theater and was renamed “On the Boards.” Sergei leaves science and devotes himself entirely to creativity. His directorial activities in those years cannot be called successful - the only production of the play “The Shepherd” in 1992 failed. But Kurginyan discovered a talented business executive in himself.

In 1987, an “Experimental Creative Center” was established on the basis of the studio, which was allocated a building in the center of the capital and funds for development. Three years later, “ETC” was renamed the International Public Foundation “Kurginyan Center”.

Politics and journalism

Active work brought the former researcher into politics. Initially, he advocated perestroika and supported the policy. However, he did not understand the meaning of the ideas of the collapse of the USSR; he proposed steps to modernize and strengthen the union. He became a member of the CPSU, opposed the democrats and tried to introduce ideas for preserving a great country. In 1991, Sergei became an unofficial adviser to the head of state.


Thanks to his acquaintance with the head of the Moscow City Executive Committee, Prokofiev, Sergei Kurginyan, together with political experts, was sent to Baku to help resolve the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The report he provided at the end of his trip to the Central Committee contained accurate forecasts of the further development of the situation. Sergei began to be regularly involved in such events and was sent to Lithuania, Tajikistan and Karabakh.

During the August putsch, he supported the State Emergency Committee. In 1996, Sergei called on influential businessmen to turn their faces to the state. As a result of painstaking work, the “Letter of Thirteen” was released, which was signed by the mastodons of entrepreneurial activity, Gorodilov, and 9 other people. The letter contained real proposals for a way out of the economic crisis and support.


Since coming to power, he has not been active in politics, becoming a political scientist and analyst. In 2011, he founded the patriotic movement “Essence of Time,” held rallies and recorded lectures with his views, posting them on his official website. But in general, his vision does not contradict the activities of the current president; some left-wing activists even accused him of working for Putin.

Personal life

The political scientist has been married to Maria Mamikonyan since his student days. The wife is also active in social activities, plays in the “On the Boards” theater and heads the “Parental All-Russian Resistance” association. Maria, together with like-minded people, denies the European model of education and opposes sex education lessons in Russian educational institutions.


In 2017, Mamikonyan, at the third congress of her organization, provided an alternative report to the president on the sensitive topic of juvenile justice in Russia, citing horrific, unreasonable examples of the removal of children from families. Let us note that at this congress there were deputies of the State Duma and members of the Federation Council, and at the first congress in 2013 Vladimir Putin himself was present.

Maria and Sergey are accomplished parents, their daughter Irina is already 41 years old, and she is raising her daughter herself. Irina has a history education, she is a candidate of sciences, she works for her father at the Kurginyan Center. The woman is not a public figure, does not maintain accounts on social networks, and there are much more articles with her authorship on the Internet than photos.

Sergey Kurginyan now

Sergei is an emotional person, and, as they say in his circles, narcissistic. At times, Kurginyan’s actions and speeches seem provocative: in 2011, he threw a glass of water in Roman Dobrokhotov’s face on radio Ekho Moskvy. In 2014, a political scientist, having visited Donetsk, tried to convict him of betrayal. However, he often becomes a guest on analytical and political programs, an expert and critic.


In 2017, the political program “Right to Know” was released with the participation of Kurginyan. The program is full of interesting arguments, historical facts, and is watched in one go. Until now, on the TVC website, where the recording is located, viewers leave reviews about Kurginyan’s brilliant and consistent logic.


Currently, Sergei writes articles and books, periodically travels with lectures around the country, to which, according to rumors, students are forced to attend. In anticipation, he recorded and posted on the Internet his opinion about the candidates, including about. He supports changing the representative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but admits that the candidate is too inexperienced for this level of political office. The day after the presidential elections, a program was released, in which Sergei admitted that he voted in support of Putin.

Projects

  • 1993 – “Post-perestroika”
  • 1994 – “Russia: Power and Opposition”
  • 1995 – “The Russian Question and the Institute of the Future”
  • 2006 – “Weakness of strength. Analytics of closed elite games and its conceptual foundations"
  • 2008 – “Swing. Conflict of elites - or the collapse of Russia?
  • 2011 – “Political tsunami. Analysis of events in North Africa and the Middle East"
  • 2012 – “The Essence of Time in 4 volumes”
  • 2015 – “Red Spring”