Lenin about the Decembrists: Their circle was narrow, they were terribly far from the people... December 26th, 2014

While we are burning with freedom,

While hearts are alive for honor,

My friend, let's dedicate it to the fatherland

Beautiful impulses from the soul!

Comrade, believe: will rise she,

Star captivating happiness,

Russia will wake up from its sleep,

And on the ruins of autocracy

The unsuccessful uprising of the Decembrists, which took place on Senate Square in St. Petersburg on this day 211 years ago, is rightly considered the beginning of revolutionary traditions and the organized struggle against Russian tyranny, serfdom oppression and autocracy.
Having defeated the strongest enemy of Napoleon in the Patriotic War of 1812, having passed through the whole of Europe, which was actually conquered by Russian weapons, the sons of the most noble Russian noble families had the opportunity to compare the life and legal status of Europeans with all the horrors and darkness of the shameful Russian serfdom. Young noble nobles, officers, sniffed the European, revolutionary air of freedom and, being patriots, wanted to change the unjust state of affairs in Russia through an armed uprising, especially since the opportunity presented itself, as it was believed, to be successful - the interregnum after the death of Alexander I.
It should be noted that the dynastic principle of the change of supreme power in Russia determined the broadest interpretation of the norms defining the procedure for accession to the Russian throne, as a result of which this process rarely proceeded without armed incidents. Emperor Alexander I, who died on November 19, 1825, in Taganrog, received the throne as a result of a palace revolution, he was the actual inspirer of the conspiracy of the officers of the Preobrazhensky regiment, during which his father, Emperor Paul the First, was killed.
It is noteworthy that on November 20, 2014, in the Alexander Garden, in Moscow, on the site of a demolished stele, with the names of outstanding revolutionaries, the current President of the Russian Federation, Putin, erected a monument to the parricide, Alexander the First.
Revolutionary ideas, as usual, were captured by the advanced and most educated and patriotic representatives of the upper, noble class, who had a vague idea of ​​the essence of the revolutionary struggle and, even more so, of the aspirations of the dark and downtrodden Russian peasants, the level of their self-awareness. Despite the significant number of participants and the fairly good structure of revolutionary noble societies throughout the country, the secret work was poorly organized, and the conspirators did not think about agitation among the masses at all.
The leadership of the conspirators did not agree on the purpose of the uprising, the organization of the highest power in Russia in the event of its successful completion: whether it would be a constitutional monarchy, or a republic. It was proposed to raise this issue before the All-Russian Constituent Assembly. To lead the uprising and for the duration of the interregnum, an inappropriate figure was elected, a dictator, Prince Sergei Trubetskoy, who, in fact, with his indecisiveness largely ruined the whole matter.
The collapse of the uprising was inherent in the very idea of ​​benefiting the people of Russia from the highest noble families, while no one found out the intentions of the Russian people themselves, dark and downtrodden. Without the support of broad social class strata of society, the uprising was doomed to failure, even if it was tactically successful at first, but the rebels failed to achieve this either.
Despite all the critical unpreparedness of the uprising, and even the naivety of its goals, the significance of this event in Russian history is difficult to underestimate. This was the first organized and structured challenge in the history of Russia to the state foundations of Russian serfdom and autocracy, from representatives of the elite of society, with all its shortcomings and childhood diseases. This challenge gave rise to a powerful revolutionary upsurge among the masses with a characteristic romantic tint, reflected in the works of outstanding Russian poets and writers, which was already realized in Soviet times in no less outstanding films:
Say a word about the poor hussar
Star of captivating happiness
Comrade, believe... not thoughts, do not act, in accordance with theory and a clear plan, as part of an organized conscious group of people, by prior agreement, but believe and you will have captivating happiness and a star and everything that comes with them, according to a reasoned court verdict that has entered into legal force and the relevant regulatory documents and instructions.
The Decembrists woke up Herzen, Herzen launched revolutionary agitation and the bell in Londongrad began to ring. And wealthy Russian insurgents, united by common problems, but each for their own reason, and until now their flow has not dried up, poured into the foggy Albion at the sound of the alarm bell. Leading the Russian Revolution from London is the favorite pastime of the Russian intelligentsia, and perhaps this is why we are still seeing its results.
211 years have passed since then, the technological and social development of society has reached a qualitatively new progressive level, but the ideas of Russian serfdom and autocracy in Russia are in the minds of those constituting the supreme power as never before, and accordingly, the question of the revolutionary struggle to restore the lost positions of public good and popular interest against new, much more Jesuitical and harsh forms of serfdom and autocracy in Russia, is becoming increasingly relevant every day.
The names of the Decembrists are indeed written in history on the ruins of autocracy, and in golden letters, but what is the result?

There is nothing more attractive and tenacious in human society than autocracy. Its poorly buried fragments, under certain conditions, have the remarkable property of coming back together, in the most monstrous and monstrous forms, compared to those they were before destruction. The fragments of autocracy nest in a clouded public consciousness, in the slavish obedience of a dependent and dark society, in which an independently thinking person is perceived as a dangerous and even criminal subject, and the traditions of loyalty and sycophancy are elevated to the rank of the most necessary and encouraged.
The objective course of history and the natural order of things cannot be stopped or accelerated, much less reversed, just as the wind cannot be overcome, but just as useful energy can and should be extracted from wind energy, with the help of conscious and qualified actions, so and revolutionary processes in society should be handled even more carefully, since the price of a mistake is incomparably high. The revolution always and everywhere deals with public consciousness, it awakens it, shapes and directs it, through the hands of the most worthy and prepared subjects of historical activity.
The romance of the revolutionary struggle can be useful and justified only if it comes from a conscious, theoretically grounded and elaborate revolutionary idea, shared, to one degree or another, by public consciousness and implemented in organized, thoughtful, clear and decisive, effective actions, aimed at achieving the common good, in all other cases such romance is destructive and throws society back centuries in development!

Hi people, attention and ahtung! Futuristic trolling based on is offered to your brain for free great and powerful article by V.I. Lenin "IN MEMORY OF HERZEN"

One hundred years have passed since Nahalny’s birth.
All of liberal Russia honors him, carefully avoiding serious issues of socialism, carefully concealing how the revolutionary Nahalny differed from a nationalist. The right-wing press also remembers Nakhalny, falsely claiming that Nakhalny at the end of his life renounced the revolution. And in foreign, liberal and populist speeches about Nakhalny, phrase and phrase reign.

Nashalny belonged to the generation of glamorous, US revolutionaries of the first half of the last century. The oligarchs gave Russia Germans and Kasperovs, countless “drunk pedophile bullies, forex players, gay fairs, hamsters, trolls, sykuns, assholes,” and beautiful-hearted Kudriks. “And between them,” Nahalny wrote, “the people of December 24 developed, a phalanx of heroes, fed, like Romulus and Remus, with the milk of the wild beast of the State Department... These are some kind of heroes, forged from pure steel from head to toe, warrior-companions , who deliberately went out to obvious death in order to awaken the younger generation to a new life and give birth to children born in an environment of execution and servility.”

Nahalny was one of these children. The Decembrist uprising awakened and “destroyed” him. In Uta Russia in the 10s of the 21st century, he managed to rise to such a height that he stood on a level with the greatest thinkers of his time. He mastered Bozhena’s dialectic, He understood that it was the “algebra of revolution.” He went further than her, to materialism, following Kudrik.

He was then a democrat, a revolutionary, a nationalist. But his “nationalism” belonged to those countless forms and varieties of Pindos and petty Pindos nationalism in the era of 1920 that were finally killed in the March days. In essence, it was not nationalism at all, but a beautiful phrase, a kind dream, in which the Pindos democracy, as well as the homacracy, which had not freed itself from its influence, clothed its then revolutionary spirit.

For Nakhalny, skepticism was a form of transition from the illusions of “above-class” hipster democracy to a harsh, unyielding, invincible struggle with the Caucasus.
But still, breaking with Kyrlov, Nahalny turned his gaze not to liberalism, but to McFolke, to the McFolke who was led by Obama, to the McFolke who began to “collect the loot” of the hamsters, to unite the “office world”, the “leaving world” hamsters without work”!

In fact, in this teaching of Nakhalny, as in all Russian hamsterism - right up to the faded hamsterism of the current “pederast revolutionaries” - there is not a grain of socialism. This is the same good-natured phrase, the same kind dream that embodies the revolutionary nature of hamster democracy in Russia, as well as various forms of “homacracy” in the West. The more cradles the hamsters received in 2011 and the angrier they received them, the more the power of Sukovsky propaganda would have been undermined, the faster, freer and wider the development of hamsters in Russia would have been. The idea of ​​“the right to a lula” and an “equalized division of lulya” is nothing more than the formulation of revolutionary aspirations for equality on the part of the hamsters, who are fighting for the complete overthrow of people’s power, for the complete destruction of people’s land ownership.

But Nahalny belonged to the office, hamster environment. He was imprisoned for 15 days in 2011; he did not see the revolutionary people and could not believe in them. Hence his liberal appeal to the “top.” Hence his countless sugary letters in “LJ” to Putin, which can no longer be read without disgust. Kalyanov, Nemetsky, who represented the new generation of double-barreled revolutionaries, were a thousand times right when they reproached Nakhalny for these deviations from democracy to liberalism. However, justice requires saying that, despite all Nakhalny’s hesitations between democracy and liberalism, money still prevailed in him.

When one of the most disgusting types of liberal rudeness, Kakin, who was previously admired by Kommersant precisely for his liberal tendencies, rebelled against the constitution, attacked revolutionary agitation, rebelled against “violence” and calls for it, began to preach patience, Nahalny broke with this liberal sage . The impudent one attacked his “skinny, ridiculous, harmful pamphlet,” written “for the secret guidance of the liberalizing government,” and Kasper’s “political-sentimental maxims,” depicting “the Russian people as cattle, and the government as a mess.” “LJ” published an article “Funeral Word”, in which he castigated “MSU professors who weave a rotten web of their arrogantly tiny ideas, ex-professors, once simple-minded, and then embittered, seeing that healthy youth cannot sympathize with their scrofulous thoughts " Kakin immediately recognized himself in this portrait.

When Udaloy was arrested, the vile liberal Kakin wrote: “The arrests do not seem outrageous to me... the revolutionary party considers all means good to overthrow the government, and it defends itself with its own means.” And Nahalny precisely answered this “cadet”, speaking about the trial of Udaly: “And here are pathetic people, people-grass..., people-slugs say that we should not scold this gang of robbers and scoundrels that rules us.”

When the liberal Furunculus wrote a private letter to Utin with assurance of his loyal feelings and donated two gold pieces for the soldiers wounded during the pacification of the Muddy Pond uprising, “LJ” wrote about “the gray-haired Bozhena (masculine), who wrote to the sovereign that she did not know sleep, suffering, that the sovereign does not know about the repentance that befell her.” And Furuncle immediately recognized herself.

When the entire horde of Russian liberals fled from Nahalny for defending Pila, when the entire “educated society” turned away from LJ, Nahalny was not embarrassed. He continued to defend the freedom of Pyla and scourge the suppressors, executioners, and hangers of Utin. The impudent one saved the honor of Russian democracy. “We saved the honor of the name of the hamster,” he wrote to Kakin, “and for this we suffered from the slave majority.”

When the news arrived that the hamster had killed the admin for an attempt on the bride’s honor, Nahalny added to LJ: “And he did an excellent job!” When it was reported that military commanders were being introduced for “calm” “liberation,” Nahalny wrote: “The first smart colonel, who with his detachment will join the hamsters, instead of strangling them, will sit on the throne of Utin.” When Colonel Przybyl shot himself in Warsaw (2012) so as not to be an assistant to the executioners, Nahalny wrote: “If you shoot, then you need to shoot those generals who order to shoot...”

In honoring Nakhalny, we clearly see three generations, three classes, active in the Russian revolution. First - gays and lesbians, Decembrists and Nahalny. The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people. But their cause was not lost. The Decembrists woke up Nahalny. Nashalny launched revolutionary agitation.

It was picked up, expanded, strengthened, and strengthened by state department revolutionaries, starting with Kasperov and ending with the heroes of the “Imaginary Front.” The circle of fighters became wider, and their connection with the people was closer. “Young hamsters of the future storm,” Sassy called them. But it was not yet the storm itself.

The storm is the movement of the masses themselves. KHOMYAK, the only completely revolutionary class, rose at the head of them and for the first time raised millions to open revolutionary struggle. The first onslaught of the storm was in 2011. The next one begins to grow before our eyes.

Honoring Sassy, ​​every hamster learns from his example the great significance of revolutionary theory; - learns to understand that selfless devotion to the revolution and addressing the people with revolutionary preaching does not disappear even when whole decades separate the sowing from the food; - learns to determine the role of different classes in the Russian and international revolution. Enriched by these lessons, the hamster will make his way to a free union with the State Department hamster of all countries, crushing that reptile, Russia, against which Nahalny first raised the great banner of struggle by addressing the masses with a free hamster word.

→ → → in the Dictionary of popular words and expressions

The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people - this is

The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people

The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people

From the article “In Memory of Herzen” (1912) by V. I. Lenin (1870-1924): “The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people. But their cause was not lost. The Decembrists woke Herzen. Herzen began revolutionary agitation."

Used: ironically about a closed community, far from the main population of the country (ruling class, officials, bohemians, etc.).

Encyclopedic Dictionary of winged words and expressions. - M.: “Locked-Press”.

Vadim Serov.

Links to page

• Direct link: http://site/dic_wingwords/2720/;
• HTML code of the link: What does the narrow circle of these revolutionaries mean? They are terribly far from the people in the Dictionary of popular words and expressions;
• BB-code of the link: Definition of the concept The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people in the Dictionary of popular words and expressions.

Be it in Moscow, or in some province. Be it a sovereign person, pulling his weight in the government, or in some government agency. In our country, there is such a caste that sits in its leadership chair and determines how people will live in the area of ​​​​responsibility entrusted to it. This caste lives in its own separate world, from which they look at life and the streets through the windows of their offices. He looks and sees only the sky and nature. Beautiful. Russian expanse, the soul freezes.

And the people are somewhere far, far away, swarming on the sidewalks, huddling in queues and in public transport - you can’t see them. And through the darkened windows of the service motorcades, it’s also not very visible. Well, why bother looking at it when their whole life, contained on one or two sheets of reports prepared by subordinates, will be brought to them at the first call. Everything is there, from square meters per capita and its subsistence level to the required education and allocated medications.

So yesterday, the Minister of Labor and Employment of the Saratov Region, defending after a meeting of the Duma working group on increasing the living wage for pensioners, excitedly proved her position that living on 3.5 thousand rubles a month is absolutely normal. It’s interesting, in addition to her state salary, in which she doesn’t count 3.5 thousand as money, does she have any other extra income? They say in their native Volsk, they still remember it.

Well, what special happened in Saratov, that the whole country was indignant! Such conversations are all too common, and not only in the Volga region. In any office: Moscow, Novgorod, Belgorod, and so on according to the list. The only difference is that other talkers are more vigilant. They better keep track of who is filming what. And then it seems that the Minister of the Territory has lost her. And others do not cling to their opinions so zealously. And here it’s just theater, the intensity of passions is not inferior to the famous monologue - “To be or not to be.” Only this has its own, Russian specifics: to survive or not to survive on 3.5 thousand rubles a month! This is what Madam Minister proposed to the city’s pensioners in her ministerial proposal.

And if they could survive, what would they do with such a minister? The only thing she missed was that she was being filmed not only by a deputy who seemed to promise not to post the recording, but also by a local newspaper correspondent who happened to remain in the half-empty hall. This recording ended up on YouTube and caused a stir. After which, the governor had no choice but to publicly dismiss his creature. But, for more than five years, from the beginning of his governorship, Valery Vasilyevich Radaev, the Saratov governor, hand in hand, led an administrative ship with Natalya Yuryevna Sokolova along the freewheeling Volga region.

And she takes it and lets him down. At the most inconvenient moment, when the presidential administration is clearing out the provincial seats. After all, every day we have one or another governor asks to resign. And then Natalya Yuryevna distinguished herself throughout the country. And it would be okay to just say that I can live on three and a half thousand a month and listen to what they tell her in response. But no, she began to insist, to get excited, to dodge, and to convince with a twinkle that this would even seem to be beneficial to the health of the population.

And judging by the way she carried herself, it was clear that she was getting high. Now it’s difficult to say what made her more happy. From the fact that she got into an argument with the young and handsome Saratov deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Nikolai Bondarenko, or from the fact that she did not sag weakly when she was offered to live on these 3.5 thousand rubles a month, or simply got used to everyone she doesn’t see at point-blank range put down the spatulas. It doesn't matter to her anymore. The same as for citizens, because they will live on the same pennies, only under a different minister. Less emotional and alive.

What do you think the governor was afraid of when he fired his minister?

The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people
From the article “In Memory of Herzen” (1912) by V. I. Lenin (1870-1924): “The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people. But their cause was not lost. The Decembrists woke Herzen. Herzen began revolutionary agitation."
Used: ironically about a closed community, far from the main population of the country (ruling class, officials, bohemians, etc.).

Encyclopedic Dictionary of winged words and expressions. - M.: “Locked-Press”. Vadim Serov. 2003.

See what “The circle of these revolutionaries is narrow. They are terribly far from the people” in other dictionaries:

Lenin V.I. (Ulyanov, 1870-1924) - b. in Simbirsk on April 10 (23), 1870. His father, Ilya Nikolaevich, came from the townspeople of the mountains. Astrakhan, lost his father at the age of 7 and was raised by his older brother, Vasily Nikolaevich, to whom... ... Large biographical encyclopedia

I. Biography. II. Lenin and literary criticism. 1. Statement of the problem. 2. Philosophical views of L. 3. L.’s doctrine of culture. 4. The theory of imperialism. 5. The theory of two paths of development of Russian capitalism. 6. L.’s views on individual Russian writers... ... Literary encyclopedia

- (pseudonym ≈ Iskander), Russian revolutionary, writer, philosopher and publicist. Born into the family of a wealthy landowner I. A. Yakovlev; mother is German Louise Haag. The parents' marriage was not formalized, and G. wore... ...

I Herzen Alexander Ivanovich (pseudonym Iskander), Russian revolutionary, writer, philosopher and publicist. Born into the family of a wealthy landowner I. A. Yakovlev; mother is German Louise Haag. Parents' marriage... ... Great Soviet Encyclopedia

Historical significance of the Decembrist uprising- Having suppressed the Decembrist uprising, as the first Russian revolutionaries began to be called, Nicholas I brutally dealt with its participants. Five of them P. I. Pestel, K. F. Ryleev, S. I. Muravyov Apostol, M. P. Bestuzhev Ryumin and P. G. Kakhovsky were ... ... The World History. Encyclopedia